Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A74-W24
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A74-W24
Release Date: June 8, 2004
发布日：2004年6月8日
Topic: The Chinese Communists' Annual June Paranoia -- Wei Jingsheng Radio Free Asia Commentary on 6.4 (3 of 3)
标题：六四期间的中共（魏京生就六四15周年在自由亚洲电台的评论之三）
Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
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The Chinese Communists‘ Annual June Paranoia
-- Wei Jingsheng Radio Free Asia Commentary on 6.4 (3 of 3)
Dear listeners:
In the last segment I traced the origin and development of the mass democratic movement in the spring of 1989. One may ask: why did it turn to a most tragic massacre? The sole reason is the Communist Chinese rulers' refusal to give up extreme and ultimate totalitarian power; refusal to let citizens exercise their constitutional rights. This refusal led to the brutal, murderous suppression policy by the extreme conservative fraction of Deng XiaoPing and Li Peng.
First we must clarify that when we refer to the Communists, we mean the ruling clique of the Chinese Communist Party. It does not mean the average rank and file members of the Party. The Massacre in 1989 clearly showed that the 60 million Party members stood with the citizens and students, simply because they were from the citizenry. Their social standing, mentality, relationships, friends and relatives are among the ordinary citizens. In important issues their reactions are nearly identical to the ordinary citizens.
I remember when I was imprisoned in Qinghai, a group of young jailers angrily demanded that TV time be expanded from 2 hours a day to the whole day. The leading cadres complied happily because they also wanted to watch the developments in Tiananmen Square. They were concerned about the situation and the fate of the student hunger strikers. Who I criticize are the dictatorial ruling elite - not including the reformists such as Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, etc. who were sympathetic and supported the people's rights.
It was verified later that the majority of the inner circle did not stand with the Deng Xiaoping-Li Peng minority. Even the majority of military leaders did not want to suppress the people. One example: General Xu, the head of the 38th Army, was outstanding among the majority. He refused to open fire on the people. He was almost executed for his refusal. He was imprisoned instead. However, those who absolutely opposed suppressing the people and those who absolutely advocated violent suppression were both minorities. This standoff is the reason the troops surrounded Beijing for two months while Deng XiaoPing hesitated.
The middle of the ruling elite had conflicting feelings. They disliked the dictatorial and corrupt practices. They wanted a life in democracy and freedom. But, they were reluctant to give up their bloody, hard-fought privileges that they gained at great sacrifice. That privilege comes from one-party dictatorship. In more than a month's time the extreme conservative fraction led by Deng succeeded in persuading the middle majority. The suppression policy gained effective support in the inner circle. Even the military leadership, such as Hong XueZhi, and Qin JiWei ...while not wanting to be blamed for the Massacre, could not prevent the Massacre. Once Deng decided, he bypassed the military. Li Peng illegally ordered the troops to clear Tiananmen Square. The epic tragedy unfolded.
This episode showed the weakness of the Reformist faction. They did not want to commit the crime of suppressing the people in conscience, but they were reluctant to give up their privileges and their ideology, and they were powerless to prevent the suppression. While the internal atmosphere tilted to Deng XiaoPing's hard-line, Zhao Ziyang and Hu QiLi simply put themselves let themselves out of the loop and visited North Korea instead. This weakness enabled Deng who was going to escape, to re-group and attack, overwhelming the Reform faction that had the support of the entire citizenry, and resulted a massacre that led to a decade of darkness in the nation.
In the decade and half since, there have been criticisms directed at the students who considered themselves as the leaders of the movement. I think it is unfair. It is also the result of the Chinese Communist propaganda. Fifteen years ago, Wang Dan, Li Lu, Chai Ling... had passed the age of voting eligibility. However, that sudden, intensive movement engulfed them without any mental or organizational preparation. The movement, pushed by the reformists inside of the Chinese Communist leadership and intellectual elite, had been at times confusing to them, and made them at a loss to react to the rapid changes. They did not know how to continue, yet unwilling to surround themselves. The intensity of the public trust and support would not allow them to retreat anyway. The consequence is to wait on TianAnMen until the massacre to put the period for this movement. Without a formation of an opposition, people has put their hope on the reformist faction at the highest level, this is the primary reason of failure of the movement. To blame a group of young, idealistic but inexperienced students is the unfair way of shifting the responsibility of the reformists that many of them went exile afterwards.
Editor's note: The Wei Jingsheng Foundation hereby expresses gratitude for our volunteer Mr. Robert T. Huang's help with the translation of Mr. Wei Jingsheng's Radio Free Asia commentaries for the last three issues of our newsletters. Mr. Huang has been a long time supporter of Chinese democracy and human rights, and particularly to this foundation and Mr. Wei himself for the last few years. Mr. Huang has been giving us suggestions and feedback as well as requested help. We hereby sincerely express our thanks to Mr. Huang, as well as others anonymous or not, for your support of the cause of our fellow Chinese in general and of us in particular.
(The Wei Jingsheng Foundation is responsible for this version of the translation from the original Chinese version of Wei Jingsheng's Radio Free Asia commentary.)
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中文版
Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A74-W24
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A74-W24
Release Date: June 8, 2004
发布日：2004年6月8日
Topic: The Chinese Communists' Annual June Paranoia -- Wei Jingsheng Radio Free Asia Commentary on 6.4 (3 of 3)
标题：六四期间的中共（魏京生就六四15周年在自由亚洲电台的评论之三）
Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
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六四期间的中共
-- 魏京生就六四15周年在自由亚洲电台的评论之三
亲爱的听众朋友们：
在上次节目里，我们谈到了89年民主运动发生的过程。为什么这个运动后来会演变成一场大屠杀呢？这是因为中共专制统治集团不愿放弃他们手中的专制权力，不容忍人民行使宪法规定的各项政治权力，因此在以邓小平李鹏为首的极端保守派的推动下，实行了残酷镇压的政策。
我首先必须说明，我们通常所说的中共，是指中共统治集团，并不指6000万普通党员。89年时可以看得相当清楚，6000万普通党员是站在学生和老百姓一边的，因为他们本身就是普通老百姓。他们的利害关系，社会地位，思想感情和亲戚朋友，都与普通老百姓相关。在重大事务上，他们的反应，当然就和普通老百姓一样，不会有太大的区别。记得当时我所在的青海监狱，一群年轻警察怒斥场领导，说：“现在都是什么时候了，还每天只转播两小时电视？”场领导也乐得从此全天转播，因为他也和大家一样关心当时的局势，一样为广场上绝食的学生揪心。因此我所抨击的中共，是指统治集团里的一小撮暴君们，而且不包括同情支持民众的胡耀邦、赵紫阳式的人物。
经事后了解证实，当时中共领导集团内的大多数人并不站在邓小平李鹏一边。邓小平李鹏实际上是少数。军队的各级军官大多数也不愿镇压老百姓，38军的徐军长是其中最突出的一位英雄，他因为拒绝发兵屠杀人民而入狱，差一点被枪毙。但是，像这样极端反对镇压百姓的，如赵紫阳、徐军长这样的人，只占少数。像李鹏杨尚昆这样极端主张镇压的，也占少数。所以军队集结在北京周围两个月，邓小平也不敢下令屠城。
中共领导集团内的大多数中间派是可以说服的。他们看不惯腐败和专制，也希望能享受民主自由的有保障的生活。可是让他们放弃流血牺牲换来的一党专政，放弃既得利益，他们也不情愿。邓小平为首的极端保守派，正是利用中间派的这种两面性，在一个多月的时间里说服了大多数，使得镇压的政策在中共领导层内获得了有效的支持。虽然军队高级指挥官，例如洪学智、秦基伟等人，仍不愿承担屠杀人民的罪名，但也阻止不了邓小平下决心。邓小平干脆甩开军委领导们，让总理李鹏非法地下令军队屠城。一场惨案就这样发生了。
这时候党内开明派显示出了他们的软弱性。他们的良知使他们不愿意犯罪，但他们的利益和意识形态倾向，却使得他们无力阻止犯罪。中共内部的气氛一天天地向有利于邓李杨的方向倾斜；赵紫阳、胡启立却无所作为，甚至还有闲心去访问北朝鲜，干脆甩手不管了。正是这种软弱和等待，使本来准备逃跑的邓小平安下心来组织反击，终于击败了由全国人民作为后盾的开明派。下令镇压民主运动，屠杀了成千上万的无辜人民，把中国引向了黑暗沉闷的90年代新专制。
十几年来，一直有人批评当年以领袖自居的青年学生。这有点儿不公平。这是中共反动宣传的结果。当然，15年前的王丹、李禄、柴玲都已经不是孩子了，早过了有选举权的年龄。但他们对于这场突如其来的、又如火如荼的民主运动，毕竟没有思想上和组织上的准备。当挑起这场运动的党内开明派和知识精英们推出运动后，他们自然会失去目标，不知道该如何继续下去，又不愿意投降。当时情绪激烈的民众也不允许他们后退。怎么办呢？只好在广场上等别人来屠杀。反对派没有形成，人们把希望全部寄托在先天不足的改革派身上，这是导致失败的主要原因。把责任推给没有政治经验的学生领袖，这是逃亡的改革派的不公平说法。
（此为魏京生基金会所整理的魏京生先生在自由亚洲电台所作评论的文本。魏京生基金会特此向帮助将魏京生先生的中文稿译成英文的Robert T. Huang先生表示谢意与敬意。黄先生多年来支持中国的民主与自由，对本基金会及魏京生本人更是关心。在此对他过去的建议，指导及随叫随到的义务帮助一并致谢！）
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