Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A73-W23
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A73-W23
Release Date: June 7, 2004
发布日：2004年6月7日
Topic: Truth Cannot be Covered up -- Wei Jingsheng Radio Free Asia Commentary on 6.4 (2 of 3)
标题：遮不住的真相（魏京生就六四15周年在自由亚洲电台的评论之二）
Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
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Truth Cannot be Covered up
-- Wei Jingsheng Radio Free Asia Commentary on 6.4 (2 of 3)
Dear listeners:
In the last segment I talked about how to educate children. I talked about how to teach them the true nature of wolves. We need to tell them the story of the Tiananmen Massacre in 1989. The children will ask:
Why did the entire country support the students?
Why did the Chinese Army massacre their own citizens and the students?
We must tell them the truth!
In April and May of 1989 there started a massive grass-roots patriotic and democratic movement in China. A student anti-corruption movement that spring initiated it. This movement was, in turn, caused by a struggle between the reform faction lead by Zhao Ziyang (the Chinese Gorbachev), and Hu Yaobang (the Chinese Yeltsin), against the conservative faction lead by Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng. The struggle intensified and spread, leading to the massive patriotic democracy movement involving the whole country.
At the end of 1988, the well-known intellectual and democratic advocate professor Fang Lizhi wrote a letter to Deng Xiaoping calling for the release of Wei Jingsheng (that is yours truly) who was imprisoned for more than 10 years merely for his political views. Being in prison, I did not know of this appeal nor had Prof. Fang and myself ever met. He acted out of a sense of justice and morality. This letter stimulated scores and hundreds of intellectuals and professionals to make similar appeals. Even many American and European intellectuals petitioned the Chinese government to release political prisoners. These appeals contributed to the massive democratic movement for political reform.
Under the progressive, democratic influence of their professors, campus activities of student leaders such as Wang Dan spread to the streets. The movement expanded from a few intellectuals to thousands of students and then to the entire society. In the media and casual conversation, anti-corruption and democracy were the only popular topics. This situation was perceived as a threat to the ruling elite, especially to the dictator Deng Xiaoping. He was at that time the symbol of dictatorship and corruption. An intense struggle bagan between Hu Yaobang, who supported the people's voices, and Li Peng, loyal to the corrupt and dictatorial officials, during a Communist Party's politburo meeting. It led to Hu's death by heart attack shortly afterward.
The death of Hu troubled the populace. The students of Beijing's educational institutions, one hundred thousand strong, went to Tiananmen Square. They demanded the truth about Hu's death. They demanded anti-corruption and democratic reform. After the students returned to the campuses there was a bloody incident where demonstrating students were chased and beaten in front of the State Council in Xinhua Gate by armed police. The incident angered the whole country. The students immediately returned to Tiananmen, setting up camps there. They vowed not to leave until the government told the truth. Beijing citizens began to mobilize in support of the patriotic student's demands. This mass movement spread over the entire country, with students and citizens hitting the streets for days on end. Even Chinese Government surveys indicated that there were more than one million on the streets in Beijing alone. In my own estimate, except for members of the Chinese Communist Central Committee, all other government and party institutions and other groups were on the street, openly showing their own organizations' banners. The scope of mobilization exceeded the Cultural Revolution. According to a survey those who never hit the Beijing streets were only one in ten thousand. Even the Communist propaganda dared not use 'a small bunch' to describe the massive movement. It was forced to admit the high participation.
In summary, from the beginning to end the students' and citizens' demands were to end the vice of the one-party dictatorship, to eliminate corruption, and to return the governing power to the people so the country could be on track for progress. These sentiments were patriotic, for love of the nation. To brand the patriotism "mobs" and call the murderers of the people "guardians of the Republic" is shameless lie. This lie is known as the Communist's shamelessness with "socialist China's characteristics". The blatant lies far exceed those of warlords and the Kuomintang (the Chinese Nationalist Party).
(The Wei Jingsheng Foundation is responsible for this version of the translation from the original Chinese version of Wei Jingsheng's Radio Free Asia commentary.)
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中文版
Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A73-W23
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A73-W23
Release Date: June 7, 2004
发布日：2004年6月7日
Topic: Truth Cannot be Covered up -- Wei Jingsheng Radio Free Asia Commentary on 6.4 (2 of 3)
标题：遮不住的真相（魏京生就六四15周年在自由亚洲电台的评论之二）
Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
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遮不住的真相
-- 魏京生就六四15周年在自由亚洲电台的评论之二
亲爱的听众朋友们：
在上次节目里，我们谈到了年轻人对六四大屠杀的忘却，谈到了如何让孩子们知道豺狼的本性。因此我们就得跟他们讲1989年的故事，听故事的孩子们必然也会问：为什么全国人民支持广场上的大学生呢？为什么军队会进入广场屠杀支持学生的老百姓呢？这时候我们必须向他们讲实话。
1989年那场大屠杀，起因于4-5月份发展的轰轰烈烈的爱国民主运动；这场民主运动又起因于那年春天的反腐倡廉的学生运动。导致这场学生运动的直接原因，是中共党内的戈尔巴乔夫式人物赵紫阳和叶利钦式人物胡耀邦，和以邓小平李鹏为首的保守派之间的矛盾。矛盾激化蔓延到社会上之后，引发了这场规模巨大的爱国民主运动。墙里开花墙外红，党内斗争党外运动，这是中共几十年来的一个特点。
话说1988年底，著名的知识分子民主派领袖方励之教授，给邓小平写了一封信，呼吁释放已在狱中关押了十几年的政治犯魏京生，也就是我本人。我和方先生素不相识，当时我人在监狱中也不知有此事。方先生完全是从正义感出发，为一个被关押的民主派政治犯说公道话。方先生此举引起了几十名著名专家学者联名上书。在80年代民主大潮的背景下，有更多的知识分子和文化人联名上书，甚至许许多多美国和欧洲的知识分子和文化人，也纷纷联名上书，要求释放政治犯。正式开始了一场要求释放政治犯的民主运动。
以著名学生领袖王丹等人为首的校园民主运动，在他们的老师的民主运动影响下，开始走上街头，使得运动从少数知识分子蔓延到成千上万的年轻学生，并影响到社会各界。一时间，电视电台，报刊杂志，以至于街谈巷议，谈论的都是反腐败要民主。这直接威胁到了当权统治者的地位，主要是威胁到了当时的独裁者邓小平的地位。因为他是当时反民主的腐败政治的主要代表。于是在一次中共中央的会议上，维护人民发表意见权利的胡耀邦，和忠诚于贪官污吏专政的李鹏之间，爆发了激烈的争吵。激烈到胡耀邦心脏病发作，死在医院。
老百姓所爱戴的胡耀邦之死，激怒了人们。北京各大专院校的学生会自发地动员学生到天安门广场。有十万学生为了悼念胡耀邦而游行到广场上。在广场，他们悼念胡耀邦，要求说明真相，要求反腐败，要求政治民主化。当学生们集会完毕，退回校园后，立即发生了在中共中央和国务院所在地的正门新华门外，武警追打请愿学生造成的血案。消息传出，全国激愤到极点。回校的学生立即返回天安门广场，并占据广场安营扎寨，并表示不说明真相不再返回学校。北京的百姓也纷纷上街游行，支持学生的爱国民主运动；继而全国各地的学生和民众纷纷上街，连日不断。据当时官方媒体的统计，仅北京一地，每天街头民众即达百万。
据我个人在电视中统计，除中共中央委员会没有上街，包括中共中央办公厅在内的各级党政机构的民众都在街头打出了自己的旗号。全国上下都动起来了，范围之广超过了文化大革命。特别是北京，没上过街的人，据统计只有万分之一左右。连中共宣传机器都不敢说是一小撮，至今也不能不承认这是绝大多数人参加的一场运动。
从运动开始到结束的所有口号和要求看，学生和民众都是为了使中国能去除一党专政的恶疾，去除腐败，还政于民，使国家各方面能走上正轨。这是出于热爱国家和人民的目的的。把这样好的人民说成暴徒，把屠杀人民的刽子手封为“共和国卫士”，这是只有共产党才有的“中国特色”的厚颜无耻。连军阀和国民党都不如。
（此为魏京生基金会所整理的魏京生先生在自由亚洲电台所作评论的文本。）
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