Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A174-W84
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A174-W84
Release Date: December 17, 2005
发布日：2005年12月17日
Topic: Honoring the Great Character of Hu Yaobang -- by Wei Jingsheng
标题：敬重胡耀邦的偉大人格 -- 魏京生
Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
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Honoring the Great Character of Hu Yaobang
- by Wei Jingsheng
November 1, 2005
Mr. Hu Yaobang's 90th birthday will soon arrive. People both inside and outside China are preparing events to commemorate him. In remembering Mr. Hu Yaobang today, I would like to honor his way of treating others. Even though he and I are two completely different people in terms of ideology and political goals, Hu Yaobang's great character was something that I always revered and used as a model for myself.
Nearly two decades ago, Hu Yaobang offended Deng Xiaoping because he supported more open-minded policies. At the time he was Secretary-General, a nominal member of the Chinese Communist Party. Nevertheless, he was stripped of his position by the Chairman of the Party Consultative Committee. In the Chinese Communist Party's history of violating law and order, this move was second only to the occasion when Party Chairman Mao Zedong sent then-President of China Liu Shaoqi into jail, where he was tortured to death. As the victim in this injustice Hu Yaobang received the widespread sympathy of the people. Hu Yaobang died of illness that was trigged from quarrelling with the autocratic faction of the Chinese government. Because he had supported the stance of the civilians during the 1989 democracy movement, his death set off large-scale protest marches. He became an important figure in the making of history, which further helped him win the tremendous respect of the people. It also made him a figure that the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) power-holders would rather not to discuss.
Recently, Hu Jintao made a sudden decision to hold commemoration activities on Hu Yaobang's 90th birthday. This unexpected change brought about widespread speculation and discussion among people. Most thought that Hu Jintao had two reasons for holding this unusual event. First, Hu wanted to use the commemoration event to raise his own prestige, since over the last two or three years the true face of Maoism, which is the Hu Jintao doctrine, and his use of brute force in suppressing freedom of speech has almost completely wiped out the last bits of illusion that the people had hoped of him. Second, Hu wanted to bring more people into his political faction. He can use the high respect that the people have for Hu Yaobang in order to draw people and factions over to his side (especially ones from the "Communist Youth Leagues" faction), and get his own faction out of the position of weakness that it holds in its power struggles with the Jiang Zemin faction. We do not hold any interest in these dirty tricks of using the dead to attack the living. These methods also do not have much to do with Mr. Hu Yaobang's own actions or his reputation.
My reverence for Hu Yaobang's great character has to do with an experience of mine that happened nearly a full twenty years ago. After I was diagnosed with coronary heart disease at the end of 1983, Deng Xiaoping personally directed a plan to transfer me and several other most important political prisoners to the prison in Qinghai province at the end of 1984. In particular, Deng Xiaoping personally hand wrote a memo to his subordinates telling them to have me put in a reform-through-labor camp located at least three thousand meters above sea level. Even the police officers at the Qinghai jail thought that this was a deadly measure to take out on someone with coronary heart disease; at the very least, it was extremely harmful. Thus I wrote letters to all the chief CCP leaders demanding humanitarian treatment and to be released on medical parole, or at the very least to have my living conditions and medical treatment improved. One day in the beginning of 1985 the jail heads sent me instructions. Then-General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party Hu Yaobang had stopped in Qinghai for two days en route to inspecting Tibet, and took a half-day to convene the Provincial public-security organs, procuratorial organs, the people's courts, and the leaders of the judicature and the reform-through-labor system and to listen to their reports. He also gave instructions regarding my treatment. He said that Wei Jingsheng and other political prisoners should have received medical parole if needed, but they could not grant this because of various political reasons. However, from revolutionary humanitarianism's stand, the political prisoners like Wei Jingsheng should not be treated as ordinary criminals, but as workers for the nation in terms of both living and medical treatment. The head of my reform-through-labor camp thus came to notify me that my treatment would be improved from that set by Deng Xiaoping's guidelines, which stated that the "treatment for Wei Jingsheng and other political prisoners should not be better than that of ordinary criminals."
Even though after the democracy movement of 1989 the police officials clearly notified me that Hu Yaobang's instructions were null and void and that things would follow Deng Xiaoping's original instructions, the officers at all levels of the jail still tried their best within the range of their powers to maintain the medical treatment conditions I had under Hu Yaobang, as well as to give me help in my personal life. Thus, I survived. Hu Yaobang and these common Communist Party members had treated the others with their own identity as a human being. This attitude was different from that of the vicious Fascist members. People like Hu Yaobang represent many members of the Chinese Communist Party. Today, on a personal level I am thankful to them, and I miss them - because I am just an average human being, despite our ideology differences.
(Written on November 1, 2005. Partially broadcasted by Radio Free Asia. The Wei Jingsheng Foundation is responsible for the accuracy of this version of the English translation.)
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中文版
Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A174-W84
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A174-W84
Release Date: December 17, 2005
发布日：2005年12月17日
Topic: Honoring the Great Character of Hu Yaobang -- by Wei Jingsheng
标题：敬重胡耀邦的偉大人格 -- 魏京生
Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
如有中文乱码问题，请访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2005/report2005-10/HuYB051217WJSA174-W84.htm
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敬重胡耀邦的偉大人格
-- 魏京生
胡耀邦先生的90誕辰即將到來，從中國國內到海外，許多人都在準備紀念活動。我今天紀念胡耀邦先生，是敬重他的爲人。雖然在意識形態和政治目標上我們是完全不同的人，但是胡耀邦的偉大人格，一直是我所敬重和立爲榜樣的。
近二十年前，因爲支持比較開明的政策，胡耀邦先生得罪了鄧小平。他這位總書記，名義上的党的一把手，被党的顧問委員會主席給罷免了。這在中共的違法亂紀史上，是僅次於党主席毛澤東把國家主席劉少奇送進監獄整死的第二大違法亂紀案。胡耀邦是這個冤案的受害人，得到人們廣泛的同情。又因爲他在89民主運動期間支持百姓的立場，和專制派爭吵時病發而亡，幷引起大規模抗議游行，成爲製造歷史的重要人物，幷因此更進一步受到了人們極大的尊敬，同時成爲後來中共當政者不願意談論的人物。
最近胡錦濤突然决定在胡耀邦90誕辰大辦紀念活動，引起了人們廣泛的猜測和議論，出現了一些人們意料之外的變局，一般認爲，胡錦濤這一反常舉動背後的目的有二，一是沽名釣譽，借紀念胡耀邦撈取好的名聲——因爲兩三年以來，小胡的原教旨毛澤東主義的面目和强力壓制言論自由的行爲，已使人們對他存有的一點點幻想消失殆盡；二是拉幫結派，借著人們對胡耀邦的高度尊敬，拉攏團派人民，改變他在與江澤民派人物爭權鬥爭中的劣勢局面。對這些借死人打活人的把戲，我們不感興趣；況且這些做法對於胡耀邦先生的爲人和名譽實際上也無多大關係。
我敬重胡耀邦的偉大人格，與我自己的一段經歷有關。事情距今已整整20年了。83年底檢查出我有冠心病之後，鄧小平親自主持了一項計劃，在84年底把我和其它幾位最重要的政治犯轉監到青海，而且鄧小平親筆批示要放在海拔3000米以上的勞改隊。這使得连青海監獄的警察都認爲這對冠心病患者是致命的措施，至少也非常有害。爲此我給當時中共的主要領導人都寫了信，要求人道主義的對待,容許我保外就醫，或者至少改善生活醫療待遇。85年初的某一天，監獄領導向我傳達指示，原來是胡耀邦以總書記的身份視察西藏途中在青海停留了兩天，專門抽出半天的時間召集省檢法和司法勞改系統領導，聽取彙報。幷對我的待遇給出了指示。他說，魏京生等政治犯因病應予保外就醫，但考慮到種種政治因素，不能保外就醫。從革命人道主義出發，也不應按普通刑事犯待遇，而應按國家職工待遇給予醫療和生活方面的照顧。勞改隊領導因此而來通知我，從此改善原有的由鄧小平規定的待遇，那就是“魏京生等政治犯的待遇不得高於普通刑事犯”。
雖然89年的民主運動後，監獄方面明確告知我，胡耀邦的指示已無效，一切仍按鄧小平原指示辦。但監獄上下的警察們仍在他們職權所及的範圍內儘量保持原有的醫療條件，幷以私人方式在生活上給我以幫助。因此我才能活下來。胡耀邦和這些普通的共産黨人，仍然以人的身份對待他人，這區別於那幫窮凶極惡的法西斯黨徒。他們代表的才是中國共産黨的廣大普通黨員。我今天感謝他們，懷念他們，同樣是不以意識形態劃綫，而是以一個普通人的身份。
（写于2005年11月1日）
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