Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A211-W104
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A211-W104
Release Date: June 4, 2006
发布日：2006年6月4日
Topic: Commemorating the 17th Anniversary of June 4th -- by Wei Jingsheng
标题：纪念“六﹒四”十七周年 -- 魏京生
Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
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Commemorating the 17th Anniversary of June 4th
-- Wei Jingsheng
On this year's June 4th, 17 years will have passed since the democracy movement in China and massacre on June 4, 1989. Year after year, people commemorate those thousands who were wounded or killed. Year after year, people think of those lost opportunities, as well as each one of these lessons in blood that they've learned, and looking for the prospects of the democracy movement's future. Today, I will look back together with all of you at that tidal wave of history, and analyze, discuss, and appraise the various characters on this stage and the viewpoints and ways of thinking that they represented. Only this way can we come to a conclusion that will guide our own conduct.
The difference between this year and those of the past is that a group of important historical characters has appeared on the stage. Perhaps many people still remember that before the June 4th massacre occurred, one episodes occurred in Tiananmen Square that caused a sensation throughout the whole country. Three young men from Hunan Province had planned and prepared to throw eggs filled with colored paint and ink at the huge portrait of Mao Zedong hanging above the Square, which well expressed the indignation of the Chinese people towards the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its perverse acts. The second half of this episode left the people of the whole country even more stunned. These three young men, who representing well of people's will just like that hero who stood and blocked the tank, received little acclaim. On the contrary, they were seized by the students, who, while also representing the will of the people, illegally occupied Tiananmen Square, and handed the three men over to the Public Security office, which represents the one-party autocracy of the CCP.
Recent reports have revealed that this act of seizing and handing over these men was not an error made by one confused individual, nor was it merely a careless mistake, as people imagine. Instead, it was a careful decision made at the student headquarters in Tiananmen Square after leaders discussed the issue and cast votes. That is, there was a profound foundation in terms of a stance that revealed and indicated the fundamental reasons for the creation and failure of the student movement. (Check on student or just democracy movement in general). So for over a decade after 1989, those three men - Yu Dongyue, Yu Zhijian, and Lu Decheng, the three heroes - endured torture in CCP jails, their plight unknown to the public. Overseas, those June 4th students who made the biggest scene gradually let the memory of the masses who shed the most blood on June 4th slip into the backs of their minds. For even over a decade, some of them strongly supported the students' decision to separate themselves from the rest of the people, firmly believing that 1989 was a student movement, not a democracy movement supported and mobilized by the nation's people in a full scale.
Recently, since Yu Dongyue received the Wei Jingsheng Foundation's Democracy Champion Prize, these three warriors' grand feats have been affirmed again by the majority of our countrymen. Mr. Lu Decheng was rescued and brought to a Western nation, where he was welcome by an enthusiastic reception from the Overseas. The three warriors again became the hotspot of public opinion, and their act of throwing eggs at the Mao portrait became an object of both praise and criticism. To this day, some intellectuals disapprove of their actions, believing that they departed from standard of "peaceful, rational, and non-violent" protests. Some people even thought that they departed from the religious standard of "loving your enemy." Others criticized them from the religious point of view of "loving your enemy". They criticized them for insulting the dignity of Mao Zedong and the Communists and harming their psyche.
The continued existence of this debate, 17 years after the events occurred, shows clearly the important nature of this incident. It represents the two different viewpoints that prevail amidst the ranks of those resisting tyranny and protecting human rights. One viewpoint emerged later on in the movement; it clearly understands the stance and basic nature of the CCP, and it demands a complete change in the one-party, autocratic communist system. This is the mainstream view in today's democracy movement, and the wish of the majority of the Chinese people. This hope is the deadly enemy of the CCP, and the CCP has for decades unceasingly tried to suppress this wish and make it dissipate. But since this thought emerged from the Democracy Wall in 1978, this wish has spread from a single spark to a prairie blaze. By now, this wish has deeply entered the hearts of the Chinese people, and become the wildfire that the CCP dreads, but cannot extinguish.
Another viewpoint stems from the "honest official complex" that comes from traditional Chinese culture and that believes that citizens should "only oppose corrupt officials, not the emperor." This was the original viewpoint of most of the Chinese citizenry, or, you could say, a viewpoint that represents the kind wishes of the gullible. This was the mainstream view when the Chinese people first began to oppose the CCP tyranny. During the Cultural Revolution period, even though most people revolted against the regime, they only dared to attack others under the name of tyranny and protecting tyranny, and even abuse and oppressed their own kind under the direction of the tyrannical regime. What's funny is that they were all sent to the jail, still debating who best fit the standards set by the tyrant Mao Zedong. Of course, nowadays they would never bring up their embarrassing, frenzied, and ignorant acts of before, and those who still boast talk about how they were able to diverge from Mao Zedong's revolutionary front.
This way of opposing the CCP by way of supporting it at the same time developed a step further during the 1976 Wreath movement. No one still wanted to stay near Mao Zedong's revolutionary front, but they opposed Mao by commemorating then-deceased Zhou Enlai. They were quickly given redress and soon became those among the Democracy Wall movement who offered amnesty to the regime. After the new anti-CCP democracy faction of the Democracy Wall was repressed, some people were indeed given redress by the communist and thus regrouped under the CCP wings. Moreover, they became the mainstream of the democracy movement in the 1980s, as those in jail had no way to do anything. Thus, the mainstream of the 1989 democracy movement was a "kneeling" rebel faction; they gained their fame by kneeling in front of the Great Hall of the People.
The rise of this movement was sustained by the people's wish to revolt. Its failure was the inevitable result of revolting while kneeling down. Think about it, everyone: this movement lengthened to over two months, as they knelt there, waiting for the butchers to come. Neither the people of the Soviet Union nor of Eastern Europe were as vigorous as the Chinese people, yet they succeeded. Why?
(Written in on May 24, 2006. Partially broadcasted by Radio Free Asia. The Wei Jingsheng Foundation is responsible for the accuracy of this version of the English translation.)
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中文版
Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A211-W104
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A211-W104
Release Date: June 4, 2006
发布日：2006年6月4日
Topic: Commemorating the 17th Anniversary of June 4th -- by Wei Jingsheng
标题：纪念“六﹒四”十七周年 -- 魏京生
Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2006/report2006-06/WeiJS060604commemorating64A211-W104.htm
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纪念“六﹒四”十七周年
-- 魏京生
今年是六﹒四屠杀和89年民主运动发生后的第十七个年头了。年复一年，人们都在纪念那成千上万的死难者和伤残者。年复一年，人们都在怀念那失去的机会，并且一点一滴总结血的教训和展望着民主运动的未来。我今天也和大家一起回顾一下那段波澜壮阔的历史，分析评点一回人物和他们所代表的思想立场。由此才能做出指导我们个人行为的有用的结论。
今年和往年不同的是，出台了一组重要的历史人物。许多朋友可能还记得，在六四屠城发生之前，广场上曾经有一段轰动全国的小插曲。来自湖南的三位年轻人，有计划有准备的用灌满颜料和墨汁的鸡蛋，扔到了天安门城楼上的巨幅毛泽东画像上。表达了人民大众对中共和他们的倒行逆施的愤怒的心情。这个小插曲的下半段，更让全国人民目瞪口呆。这三位和那个挡坦克的英雄一样代表民意的英雄，并没有得到几声喝彩。反倒被同样代表民意，并采取非法行动占领天安门广场的学生，扭送给了代表中共一党专政的公安机关。
据最近透露出的信息，这扭送还不是个人头脑发昏的错误决定，不是人们想象的那样的不经意犯下的错误。而是广场指挥部开会讨论后投票做出的慎重的决定。也就是说有深厚的思想立场基础，揭示、预示出那场运动产生和失败的根本原因。所以在89年之后的十几年中，他们三人，喻东岳，余志坚，鲁德成三位英雄，默默无闻的在中共的大牢中承受着煎熬。海内外热热闹闹的炒作着六四学生，却渐渐地把他们和六四时流血最多的人民大众忘在了脑后。甚至有人十几年一贯的坚持广场学生隔离群众的说法，坚持认为那是一场学生运动，不是全国人民参与的一场全面动员的民主运动。
最近，由于喻东岳得到了魏京生基金会的民主斗士奖，三壮士的壮举再一次得到了大多数国人的肯定。鲁德成先生被营救来到了西方国家，得到了海外各界的热烈欢迎。三壮士又成了舆论的热点。涂毛事件也随之成为褒贬的对象。至今仍有不少的知识分子不赞成他们当时的做法，认为那种做法不符合“和平理性非暴力”的标准。甚至有人认为不符合“爱你的敌人”的宗教标准。指责他们侮辱了毛泽东和共产党员们的人格，伤害了他们的心灵。
17年后存在的争议，恰恰说明了这件事情的确意义重大。它代表的是反抗暴政维护人权的阵营内部，有两种不同的思想和立场。一种是后起的，看透了中共本质的立场，要求彻底改变一党专政的共产主义制度。这是现在民主运动的主流，是全国大多数人民的愿望。这个愿望是中共的死敌，几十年来中共一刻也没有放松对这个愿望的镇压和分化瓦解。但这个愿望从1978年在民主墙上出现之后，就从星星之火走向了燎原之势。现在已经深入人心，成为了令中共恐惧的扑不灭的野火。
另一种则起源于中国传统文化的“只反贪官，不反皇帝”的清官情结。它是人民大众的最原始的思想立场，或者说代表着东郭先生式的善良愿望。是中国人民反抗中共暴政初始阶段的主流思想。文革时，绝大多数人虽然造反了，但只敢打着暴君和维护暴政的旗号造反，甚至在暴政的指挥和怂恿下残害、镇压同类。好笑的是进到了同一个监狱里，还在争论谁最符合暴君毛泽东的最高指示。当然，他们现在绝口不提这丢人现眼的疯狂愚昧的走麦城，吹嘘的都是自己如何远离了毛泽东的革命路线。
这种打着红旗反红旗的思想的进一步发展，就是1976年的花圈运动。大家都不想再靠拢毛泽东的革命路线了，但反毛还要打着纪念周恩来的旗号。而且很快就得到了平反，变成了民主墙运动中的招安派。在民主墙新生的反共民主派被镇压之后，一些人的确被招安了。并且成为八十年代民主运动的主流。监狱里的人不可能再进行活动了。因此，八九年民主运动的主流就是跪着造反派，以其跪在人民大会堂外的台阶上而得名。
这场运动的兴起，是被人民要造反的愿望支撑着。它的失败，则是跪着造反的必然结果。大家想想长达两个多月的，跪在那儿等着屠杀的过程就明白了。苏联和东欧的人民，还没有中国人民那样轰轰烈烈，反倒成功了。为什么？
（于2006年5月24日。部分内容在自由亚洲电台播出。）
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