Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A226-W117
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A226-W117
Release Date: September 3, 2006
发布日：2006年9月3日
Topic: The Current Anti-Corruption Movement in Taiwan Has a Significant Meaning to the Development of Taiwan's Democracy -- Wei Jingsheng
标题：台湾当今的反腐民主运动对台湾的民主发展意义重大 -- 魏京生
Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
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The Current Anti-Corruption Movement in Taiwan Has a Significant Meaning to the Development of Taiwan's Democracy
-- Wei Jingsheng
It has been a long time since we discussed Taiwan. Recently something big happened on Taiwan. I was still traveling when I first heard about it. As soon as I took a look at the news, I found it was true; something unexpected had taken place, and it was causing a lot of unusual excitement. Probably not since 1979's Kaohsiung Incident (also known as Formosa Incident), not for the last 26 years, has there been such a broad based movement as this one. The most recent title that has come out in the last few days is: the Full Scale of the Anti-Chen Shui-bian Movement.
The movement was initiated by a group of elite Taiwanese democracy activists. The leader, Mr. Shih Ming-teh, is a forerunner of the Taiwanese democracy movement and an old friend of mine. Mr. Shih, in working for democracy in Taiwan, was in and out of jail for 26 years. He is the initiator and leader of the Taiwanese Independence Movement. He was also the chairman of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in its founding days. However he and two other former chairmen of the DPP all withdrew from the DPP because of corruption and poor policies after the DPP took over the government. The reputation of the other is second only to that of Shih Ming-teh -- Hsu Hsin-liang. This time they have again stepped forward to support this movement initiated by Shih Ming-teh. Their reasoning is that the DPP's corruption and attempt to monopolize power has already violated the ideals for which these activists sacrificed.
In the past a few months, Taiwanese critics have said that Taiwan has already lost its population base for a political movement. Taiwanese society is more concerned with personal happiness and enjoyment than politics. With freedom of speech and thought, people's concerns have spread across many areas, making it hard to draw people's attention to an idealistic goal. So there would not be a major movement with widespread attention. But this movement's rapid development proves that Taiwanese democracy movement is not depressed. There are still major problems that deserve people's extensive attention. This is not to say that once a democratic politic has been established everything will be fine. Of course this problem and that problem will still arise; the democratic system needs continued fine-tuning; corruption and bad habits of irresponsible politicians still have to be regularly cleaned out. It is just like a residence cleaning out the trash, it is a constant process that must be repeated. It is not something you can complete once and for all.
This movement started because the DPP, ever since becoming the ruling party, has grown more and more politically corrupt. Especially he corruption-involving president Chen Shui-Bian's family has already grown unbearable. Think about it -- the family of the president, who is close to the highest-level top secrets, participates in playing stocks, extorting and racketeering business enterprises. Is this still a fair market? How do others do business? If all levels of government officials rally together and follow this bad example, there would not be a fair market or a just society. Greed would not stop at only using information; it will inevitably spread to influence politics. If this sort of trend continues to develop, the democratic system will wither away beneath corruption. This result and that of the dictatorship across the strait would be one and the same. The people become victims under the feet of the corrupt officials, allowing themselves to be trampled upon.
When the people are bearing an unbearable situation, they need a leader to guide them in protecting their rights and interests. Shih Ming-teh and his friends are once again standing at the forefront, initiating this new democracy movement -- guarding the democratic politics' strategic pass; preventing democracy from degenerating into autocratic tyranny because of politicians keeping each other from harm.
Do you think this is not possible? It is very possible. Not to mention examples from the far past, in the last a few decades, many governments which were democratically elected become autocracies via the pass of corruption leading to the ultimate autocracy. Taiwan's democracy was only recently established and is still in a dangerous period. The greatest possible danger originates from citizens and societies not having learnt how to effectively use their democratic rights to protect private and public interests. Many harmful habits and ways of thinking are left over from the old society of the recently ended autocratic system, which lure the people to voluntarily give up the democratic rights that ought to be theirs; this is one reason corruption has grown and spread.
For example, after the new democratic movement developed, opposing camps put forth a theory that appears correct but is actually wrong. It was to not allow those involved in the movement to protest in the streets, but to instead "Return to the path of the constitutional legal system." They forget that not only in today's democratic age, but also during Taiwan's period of martial law, even under the Mainland's one-party dictatorship, going out into the streets to exercise was their right; it is legal, and constitutionally appropriate behavior. There is nothing inappropriate about it. Even the Communist Party does not dare deny that citizens have this sort of indisputable right. How can once democracy advocators mistakenly think people do not have this right? Is not this a sign that the democracy faction is headed toward autocracy?
Right now, democracy movement forerunner Mr. Shih Ming-teh and his democracy movement friends initiated a new anti-corruption movement. The movement is widely supported and right now in Taiwan it is making a spectacular display. Those supporting the government, aside from starting rumors to attack Mr. Shih's personal life, use the main excuse to oppose the movement by calling for the opposition movement to return to the so-called "proper course of the constitutional legal system." They even argue the Taiwanese should endure two more years and wait until the next presidential election to exercise their democratic right. This sort of ridiculous remark even comes from opposition party camps. It seems Taiwan's young democratic system is still fragile, even the opposing party does not know what they are supposed to be doing.
Democracy and autocracy are both political systems, both manage public affairs for the entire society. The greatest difference between the two is who is sovereign. Which is to say the problem of who has final authority. We cannot count on politicians to be saints, so no matter if the system is autocratic or democratic, both must deal with the problem of supervising and restricting officials.
Autocratic systems function by the rule of self-monitoring and self-restraint, which is so-called thieves supervising thieves, the longer they rule the greedier they become and in the end it collapses. For the last two thousand years China's autocratic emperors followed this principle. Although they developed countless systems to supervise and restrain officials, the systems were useless. This is because the overall system prevented the restraint mechanism from functioning well. This is the reason Mainland China is now corrupt beyond repair.
Democracy, however, is different. Aside from restraining oneself, the main source of constraint comes from outside the governing clique. Which is to say that when self-restraint is unsuccessful, the restriction from the opposition party or opposition faction is the main line of defense that pressed the clique in power to punish corrupt behavior. Just because an opposition party exists to deter the governing body, they can thus compel the governing leaders to follow the legal system, keeping politics honest and upright. This is where the structure of democracy is better than the structure of autocracy -- because democracy resolves the key problem of restraining politicians. Because of this mechanism, democracy can accomplish what autocracies cannot accomplish. This sort of activity is what academics call politics within the system; it is the way things function in a normal state of affairs.
But such matters are not simple and cannot all be solved in the same way. Sometimes the opposition parties are weak, and sometimes they fail to uphold their duty and because out of consideration for some sort scheme put aside the obligation to be a watchdog. Thus democracy provides itself with last opportunity to compensate for the crisis that results when the opposition parties fail to fulfill their function. This is why the U.S. constitution stipulates that the people can bypass representative government to put the right of direct democracy into practice. Citizens not only reserve the right to criticize, the right to demonstrate, and even the right to bear arms, the rights to overturn a tyrannical government when absolutely necessary. This is democracy's final restraint on the government, and the last means to protect the people's rights.
Taiwan's democracy is not on its last legs, but it has encountered a serious crisis. First of all, Chen Shui-Bian, as leader of the ruling clique, has lost self-restraint. Because of hardship earlier on in President Chen Shui-Bian's life, from emotional point of view, he is unable to restrain his wife and children. This can be regarded as the extension of the unfortunate early life. But what of the DPP? Where is the DPP? How can the party not fulfill its responsibility, how can it not supervise and restrain its own president? Is it out of fear of retaliation or out of fondness for one's own that it sees its leader's faults as merits? This is also the manifestation of the bad habits of an autocratic politics. Appeasing this evil only allowed it fester, damaging President Chen, damaging the DPP, but also damaging Taiwan's democracy.
Where is the opposition party? Does the opposition party lack the will to fight, or care of their own power and interests only, or have no sense of responsibility toward society? Because of inherited bureaucratic culture from the past one-party dictatorship, they lack a sense of responsibility toward the party and the country. They spend the whole day absorbed in calculating schemes, yet they are not enthusiastic about democracy. They appear weak and hypocritical, even to the point of betraying democracy. They are not able to function, as an opposition party should. The opposition party is second most responsible after the ruling party which tolerates the evil and abets it.
Fortunately, the situation is not too bad because there are newly emerging forces of the opposition party that are bearing the responsibility the political parties ought to bear. Under pressure both internally and externally, facing slanderous rumors, they fearlessly lead the Taiwanese people and media in exercising their democratic rights. They persist in fighting to expose and to prevent corruption. And also fortunately, there is a group of ruling party elder heroes who have stepped forward, they have taken this exercise in democratic rights, and this battle to supervise and restrain the government and pushed it to new heights. They are the hope of Taiwan and the guardians of democracy.
If they succeed, the movement as a whole will have a positive result. And thus Taiwan's democracy will move from childhood to maturity. If they lose, it will be like after the Tiananmen Square democracy movement failed, Chinese society became much more corrupt. I hope the Taiwanese people can learn from Mainland China's lesson, and support anti-corruption democratic movements.
(Written on August 28, 2006. Partially broadcasted by Radio Free Asia. The Wei Jingsheng Foundation is responsible for the accuracy of this version of the English translation.)
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中文版
Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A226-W117
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A226-W117
Release Date: September 3, 2006
发布日：2006年9月3日
Topic: The Current Anti-Corruption Movement in Taiwan Has a Significant Meaning to the Development of Taiwan's Democracy -- Wei Jingsheng
标题：台湾当今的反腐民主运动对台湾的民主发展意义重大 -- 魏京生
Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2006/report2006-09/WeiJS060903TaiwanDemocracyA226-W117.htm
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台湾当今的反腐民主运动对台湾的民主发展意义重大
-- 魏京生
很久没有和大家议论台湾的事情了。最近台湾出了件大事情，我还是在旅途中听说的。一查新闻，果然是大出人们意料之外，热闹非凡。可能从1979年的美丽岛事件之后，二十六年来没有比这次更能牵动人心的事件了。这就是最近几天刚出来的新名词儿，叫做“全民倒扁运动”。
这场运动是由一批台湾民主运动的精英发起的，领头的是我的老朋友、台湾民运先驱施明德先生。施先生为了台湾的民主化，先后入狱二十六年。是台独运动的发起人和领袖。并曾担任早期的民进党主席。但他和另外两位民进党的前主席一样，因为民进党执政后的腐败和错误政策，而退出了民进党。另一位是名气仅次于施明德的许信良。这一次也站出来支持施先生发起的运动。因为民进党执政后的腐败和专权，已经违背了他们为之流血牺牲的理想。
前几个月还有台湾的评论家说，台湾已经没有群众运动的基础了。台湾的社会更关注个人享受。思想开放和言论自由化，使人们分散关注更多的事物，很难把注意力集中在一个理想主义的目标上。所以不会有广泛关注的群众运动了。但是这场运动的迅猛发展形势，说明台湾的民主运动并没有消沉，仍然有人们广泛关注的重大问题。不是说建立了民主政治就万事大吉了。还是会不断出现这样那样的问题；民主的制度还需要不断的完善；腐败和渎职的旧官僚恶习还需要不断的清除。就像家家都要清扫垃圾一样，是一个永远的过程和反复完成的结果。没有一劳永逸的结果。
这次运动产生的原因，是民进党执政以来发展得越来越严重的腐败政治。特别是围绕着陈水扁总统家庭的腐败，已经发展到令人难以忍受的地步。大家想想，接近最高机密的总统家庭参与炒股，敲诈勒索商家。这市场上还有公平吗？别人还怎么做生意呢？各级官吏群起效尤，就没有了公平的市场和公平的社会了。贪心不会仅仅停留在利用信息上，还必然会发展到影响政治。这样的趋势发展下去，民主制度将因为腐败而消亡。其结果和海峡对岸的专制政治没有什么两样。人民将成为贪官污吏的鱼肉，任人宰割。
人民在忍无可忍的情况下，需要领袖来领导他们保护自己的权利和利益。施明德和他的朋友们又一次站在了人民队列的最前线，发起了这一场新的民主运动。把住民主政治的最后一道关口。避免民主政治因为官官相护而变质为专制暴政。
你以为这不可能吗？这完全可能。远的不说，最近几十年来打着民主的旗号上台的许多第三世界、甚至第二世界的专制政权，不就是沿着这条腐败专权的路子走过来的吗？台湾的民主只是初建的民主，正处在危险期。最大的危险就来自于社会和人民没有完全学会，怎样有效的运用民主的权利来维护自身的和社会公共的利益。刚刚结束的官僚专权的旧社会，遗留下来许多不良习气和思维方式。诱使人们主动放弃了应有的民主权利。也是造成腐败孳生蔓延的一个原因。
例如，新民主运动产生后，反对阵营的一个似是而非的理论，就是让运动参加者不要上街，要什么“回到宪政法制的道路上来”。他们忘记了，不仅在现在的民主时代；就是在台湾过去的威权时代；甚至在大陆的一党专政时代，上街行使自己的游行示威权利，也是合法的、合宪的正当行为。没有任何不合适的地方。连共产党也不敢否认人民拥有这项不可剥夺的权利。怎么倒有曾经是民主派的人士，会以为人民没有这个权利呢？这不就是民主派走向专制的一个征兆吗？
当前，由民运先驱施明德先生和他的民主派战友们发起了新一轮的反腐民主运动，正在台湾岛内轰轰烈烈、如火如荼的展开。官方的支持者除了造谣攻击施先生的私人生活外，最主要的反对理由，就是要求反对运动回到所谓的“宪政法制的轨道上来”。甚至要求人民再忍耐两年，等到选下届总统时再行使自己的民主权利。这种奇谈怪论甚至来自反对党阵营。看来台湾初建的民主制度的确十分脆弱，连反对派都不知道自己是干什么的。
民主政治和专制政治都是政治，都是对全社会的公共事务进行管理。它们的最大不同之处，就是主权所属不同。也就是最终的权力属于谁的问题。谁也不能指望政府官员都是圣人，所以不管是专制还是民主，都存在一个监督和制约官员行为的问题。
专制政治的规律是自我监督制约，也就是所谓的以贼制贼，越治越贪，最终崩溃。两千年来中国的专制皇权就是这个规律，虽然发明了无数的监督制约的制度，也不管用。因为它的基本制度决定了它的制约体系的无效。中国大陆现在贪污腐败到了无可救药的地步，就是这个原因。
而民主政治就不同了。除了平时的自我约束外，来自执政集团之外的制约，是主要的制约方式。也就是说，当自我约束无效时，来自反对党和反对派的制约，是迫使执政集团不得不惩戒腐败行为的主要防线。也正是因为反对党的存在，威慑着执政集团，才能迫使执政者自觉地遵守法制，保持政治的清廉度。这就是民主政治的结构优于专制政治结构的地方，是民主政治解决制约问题的关键。因为有它才做到了专制政治做不到的事情。这种活动方式就是学者们说的体制内的政治，是正常状态下的活动方式。
但是，人的事情没有那么整齐划一的。有时候反对党也会软弱无力，也会由于某种权谋的算计而搁置了自己应尽的义务。所以民主政治还给自己保留了最后的机会，来补充反对党功能不全所产生的危机。这就是美国宪法中为什么规定了，人民有绕过代议制实行直接民主的权利。人民不但保留了批评的权利，游行示威的权利，还保留了持有武器，在万不得已时推翻暴政的权利。这就是民主的最后制约，是人民权利的最后关口。
台湾的民主还没到最后关头，但也陷入了深重的危机。首先是以陈水扁总统为首的执政集团，失去了自我制约。由于陈总统早年的不幸经历，从感情上讲，他无法过多地制约他的夫人和子女。这可以看作是早年不幸经历的延伸。但是民进党呢？民进党在哪儿？党怎么可以不尽自己的责任，去监督和制约自己的总统呢？害怕报复或者爱屋及乌，把自己所爱戴的人的缺点也当成了优点。这也是专制政治陋习的延续。正是这种姑息养奸，害了陈总统，害了民进党，也害了台湾的民主政治。
反对党在哪儿呢？反对党缺乏斗志，因循权谋，没有对社会的责任感。因为从过去的一党专政继承了过多的官僚文化，没有对党和国家的责任心。整日迷醉于权谋算计而不热心于民主政治。表现出脆弱和虚伪，甚至游走于背叛民主的边缘。没有能起到反对党应该起的作用。负有仅次于执政党姑息养奸的第二责任。
还好。有一批反对党的新生力量，负起了党应该承担的责任。在内外压力和造谣抹黑的形势面前，无所畏惧的带领台湾的人民和媒体，行使着民主的权利。把揭发和制止贪污腐败的战斗坚持下来了。也还好。有一批执政党民主派的前辈英雄站出来，把这场行使民主权利、监督制约政府的战斗推向新的高潮。他们是台湾的希望，是民主的守护神。
如果他们赢了，整个运动有一个良好的结果。那么台湾的民主就从幼年期进入了成熟期。如果他们输了，天安门民主运动失败后，中国社会加倍的贪污腐败，就是前车之鉴。望台湾人民吸取大陆人民的教训，加油支持反腐败的民主运动。
（于2006年8月28日。部分内容在自由亚洲电台播出。）
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