Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A457-W254
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A457-W254
Release
Date: June 3, 2009
发布日：2009年6月3日
Topic:
1989 - History Written in Blood (Wei Jingsheng Foundation's video documentary
of the history of the 1989 Democracy Movement in China: narrative and
soundtrack)
标题：１９８９ -- 血写的历史 (魏京生基金会电视文献片解说词及录音)
Original
Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
Note:
Please use "Simplified Chinese (GB2312)" encoding to view the Chinese
parts of this release. If this
mail does not display properly in your email program, please send your request
for special delivery to us or visit:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2009/report2009-06/64video090603WJSfoundationA457-W254.htm which
contains identical information.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
On
June 3, 2009, in the US Capitol, the Wei Jingsheng Foundation will has its
initial release of the materials related to its 50 minutes long video record of
the 1989 Democracy Movement in China, and the June 4 Beijing Massacre. The Wei Jingsheng Foundation wishes
people to duplicate and distribute these materials as much as they can,
especially into China. It will not
seek financial compensation of any kind.
As Wei Jingsheng said: we
produce this video to tell a massacre, to record a part of history, to let the
young Chinese to learn what had happened in the past, so we could all learn
some lesson soaked with blood.
Refuse to forget, reject the lies, fight against subjugation, and resist
brutal tyranny. This is the
historical testimony that we submit to the Chinese people.
__ __ __
1989
- HISTORY WRITTEN IN BLOOD
Video
record of the history of the 1989 Democracy Movement in China
Produced
by: the Wei Jingsheng Foundation
Designed
by: WEI Jingsheng
Script
by: KONG Jason
Directed
by: HUANG Ciping
Narrated
by: ZHANG Min, LIAO Xiaoqiang
Recorded
by: JIANG Yue
Edited
by: SI Pengcheng, YIN Gang
Assisted
by: CHEN Xingyu, CHEN Bangzheng
June
2009
www.WeiJingSheng.org
1-202-543-1538
HCP@WeiJingSheng.org
or HCP0411WJS@aol.com
__ __ __
1989
- HISTORY WRITTEN IN BLOOD
Narrative
of the video documentary the 1989 Democracy Movement in China
Here
lies the heart of China - grand and magnificent. A line of ancient structures running along the central
north-south axis create an atmosphere of imperial grandeur, while in striking
contrast the Soviet-style Great People's Hall and History Museum protrude out
to the east and west, creating a more republican feel. They symbolize an era. This strange mix of imperial and
communist symbols has its most powerful and central embodiment in the Chairman
Mao Memorial Hall, located in the middle.
These great structures with their contrasting styles surround a great
empty space - the largest in the world - called Tiananmen Square. Only history-changing events that
reverberate around the world are fit to be played out on such a vast and grand
stage. This is where the curtains
opened on the momentous 1989 democracy movement, and where the June 4th
massacre caused the cries of the Chinese people to be locked up in a black box
of history.
Refusing
to forget, we tear open the blood-encrusted seal on this black box where the
memories of that event are locked up.
Here we present the historical truth to the Chinese people all over the
world.
The
antecedents to the '89 democracy movement were the Democracy Wall in the Xi'dan
district of Beijing and the Thought Liberation Movement that lasted throughout
the 1980's.
Soon
after the Cultural Revolution, underground movements strong enough to withstand
hardship and oppression sprang up throughout China. Their voices were encapsulated by one line of poetry written
by the famous poet Bei Dao - "I-do-not-believe". This "I do not believe"
generation represented the first wave of the Thought Liberation Movement
following the Cultural Revolution.
Publications like Beijing Spring, Exploration, Today, May 4th Youth
Forum, and Star Star represented a wave of fresh spring air blowing over the frozen
modes of thought in China. In
1979, the Democracy Wall in Xidan was shut down, and Wei Jingsheng, the author
of the essay entitled, "The Fifth Modernization" was arrested and
thrown into jail. However, the
Thought Liberation Movement could not be pushed back; "scarred
literature", avant-garde theater and film, the Walking Towards the Future
essay collection, and the television program, "River Elegy", became
the spiritual inspiration for science and democracy in China.
The
thirst for new knowledge, as well as the opposition to authority among the
1980's youth posed an unprecedented challenge to communist ideology. In 1986, students from Peking
University started a demonstration calling for democratic elections. In 1987, the Beijing authorities revoked
the party membership of Fang Lizhi, Liu Binyan, Wang Ruowang, and commenced the
"Anti-Bourgeois Liberalization Campaign". In addition, the general secretary of the Communist Party,
Hu Yaobang, was forced to resign.
The winter that year was exceptionally cold, but underneath the frosty
political climate at that time, campus democracy movements such as Peking
University's "Beijing Salon" were not broken. The dissidents of that generation, like
seeds planted in the frozen earth, were waiting until the right moment to
spring up.
1989
- The Beginning of an Epic Year in Chinese History
On
January 6, 1989, during the 40th anniversary of the issuance of the UN's
Declaration of Human Rights, Professor Fang Lizhi wrote Deng Xiaoping a letter
calling on him to release Wei Jingsheng, who had been imprisoned for 10 years,
as well as all other political prisoners. On January 28, Wang Yuanhua, Wang Ruoshui, Su Shaozhi,
Fang Lizhi, and more than 100 other intellectuals suggested in the "New
Enlightenment" essay collection that commemorated the 200th anniversary of
the French Revolution and the 70th anniversary of the May 4th Movement, that in
order to complete the unfinished work of the May 4th Movement, simply relying
on empty pedantic rhetoric was no longer acceptable, and thorough
implementation was needed.
On
February 16, the poet Bei Dao publicly issued a letter jointly addressed to
Deng Xiaoping, the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee, and the Standing
Committee of the National People's Congress calling for a pardon to be granted
on the 40th anniversary of the establishment of "New China", with the
release of Wei Jingsheng and all other political prisoners, in order to create
a harmonious atmosphere beneficial for reform and also conform to the global
trend of respect for human rights.
Signatories of this open letter included reputed authors like Bing Xin,
Su Gan, Wu Zuguang, Yan Wenjing, as well as 33 intellectuals such as Tang
Yijie, Feng Yidai, Su Shaozhi,
Wang Ruoshui, Zong Pu, Zhang Jie, Jin Guantao, and Li Zehou. On February 26, the scholarly struggle
for democracy and appeal for political reform expanded to the scientific world
when Xu Lingying issued an open letter demanding the release of political
prisoners and respect for human rights.
In total, 42 scholars, the vast majority being renowned scientists,
signed the letter. On March 1,
simultaneously at both Peking University and Qinghua University, a "Notice to the People" was
posted demanding "the end of the Four Basic Principles". On March 2, there was another poster
entitled, "Grieve for the Chinese People", calling for a "fight
for freedom".
Windy
Before the Storm - The Prelude to a New Era is About to Begin
On
April 15, 1989, Hu Yaobang passed away from heart disease. That night, at various universities in
Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, Nanjing, Changsha, Hefei, Xi'an, Harbin, and other
cities, posters and elegies were put up in memory of Hu Yaobang, with demands
for political reform, the end of the feudal patriarchal system, and the
expansion of democracy and science.
On
April 16, students from Nankai University in Tianjin and Fudan University in
Shanghai were the first to charge out of the campus gates and demonstrate on
the streets.
On
April 17, thousands of Peking University students paraded down to Tiananmen
Square and placed bundles of flowers and elegies in front of the Heroes of the
People Memorial. Tens of thousands
of students and ordinary people were gathered in the square.
On
April 18, the students sat peacefully in front of the Great People's Hall and
their representatives presented a petition to the National People's Congress
(NPC) Standing Committee member, Liu Yandong, and NPC members Tao Xiping and
Song Shixiong. That night,
thousands of students peacefully sat together in front of the Xinhua gate
requesting a dialogue with the Premier Li Peng.
On
April 19, the World Economy Herald and New Observations jointly sponsored a
symposium in Beijing, hosted by the chief editor of New Observations, Ge Yang,
in memory of Hu Yaobang. The theme
of the symposium was an appeal for the immediate implementation of political
reforms.
On
the afternoon of April 20, the authorities sent armed police to disperse the
students who were peacefully sitting outside the Xinhua gate, using force to
drag students into cars and send them back to their universities.
On
April 22, the Communist Party Central Committee held a memorial session in
honor of Hu Yaobang. The tens of
thousands of students who were gathered on the square requested to pay respects
to Hu Yaobang's remains, but were refused. The student representatives Guo Haifeng, Zhou Yongjun, and
Zhang Zhiyong, kneeled in front of the east gate of the Great People's Hall and
raised a petition, demanding that Premier Li Peng come outside and meet with
the students. From this scene in
history, one can see the Chinese people's transformation from feudal subjects
to citizens, and how much further suffering they would be willing to go through
as part of this transformation.
However, regardless of whether the petitioners were kneeling or
standing, at no point did Li Peng appear.
The
regime's scorn for and suppression of the students' appeals spurred student
petition meetings and demonstrations on an even grander scale throughout China. A poster was put up at Fudan University
in Shanghai, requesting a re-evaluation of the campus upheaval of 1986. A poster posted at Nankai University in
Tianjin demanded the resignation of Li Peng. Students in Wuhan and Xi'an took to the streets shouting the
slogan, "Voice Support for the Students in Beijing". By April 25, the student movement had
spread to 28 provinces and cities throughout the country. After several consecutive days of
protest, the Beijing students realized the importance of uniting to form
student organizations. Peking
University was the first to establish a "United Students Preparatory
Committee", and announced the disbandment of the officially-sponsored
Peking University Student Committee.
The preparatory committee expanded the original petition into a
full-fledged political platform.
In
accordance with this platform, the Peking University United Students
Preparatory Committee issued a "Notice to Universities in Beijing"
calling for unity, the democratic election of representatives, and the
establishment of a student organization under unified leadership. On April 23, representatives from 21
colleges and universities in Beijing met in the Old Summer Palace and
established the "Independent Alliance of Beijing College Students" (known
in short as the "Independent Student Alliance"). The creation of the Independent Student
Alliance was the hallmark event of the student movement. From that moment on, the communist
rulers finally realized that they were facing an organization over which they
had absolutely no control. This
group of young and seemingly powerless students suddenly posed an imminent
threat to the invincibility of one party rule.
On
the same day that the Independent Student Alliance was established, the general
secretary of the Communist Party, Zhao Ziyang, who had supported a policy of
consultative dialogue and "solving problems through democracy and rule of
law", left Beijing for an official visit to North Korea.
On
April 24, Shanghai's World Economy Herald
reported in full the remarks made at its April 19 symposium in memory of
Hu Yaobang, provoking a vehement reaction. The then general secretary of the Shanghai Communist Party,
Jiang Zemin, immediately recalled the editor of World Economy Guide, Qin Benli,
from his post and forced the publication to shut down.
On
the evening of April 24, Li Peng called an emergency meeting of the standing
committee of the Politburo that lasted until the early morning hours of April
25. At the meeting, Li Peng
labeled the student movement as a calculated, organized "anti-party,
anti-socialist struggle".
When Li Peng reported to Deng Xiaoping about the meeting, Deng Xiaoping
agreed with the conclusions of the Politburo Standing Committee. He said that
this was a "conspiracy", a "riot", and that in order to
restore order, the problem must quickly be nipped in the bud. He also said that the party
"cannot take one step back".
He advised the party, "Do not be scared of international
pressure", and that "while efforts should be made to avoid bloodshed,
bloodshed cannot be completely avoided". He also praised the Shanghai party's "decisive
measures".
Following
Deng Xiaoping's guidance, the People's Daily published an editorial on April 26
entitled, "Disorder Must Be Unequivocally Opposed". The regime's irreversible political
decision marked a turning point in the 1989 democracy movement. The student movement, which had
earnestly pleaded with the government for political reform, was labeled as an
implacable foe with which no agreement can be reached. In reaction to circumstances that were
rapidly turning for the worse, the students declared that they would not attend
class, and commenced the momentous April 27 March. More than 30,000 students from 38 colleges in Beijing left
their campuses, broke through dozens of defensive lines set up by the police,
and jointly marched to Tiananmen Square.
The
significance of the march lies in the fact that this was the first time that
students utilized their constitutional right to freedom of assembly in order to
organize in opposition to the government, forming a national student movement
that surged forward like a wave.
The April 27 March raised clear political demands for an end to
corruption and embezzlement, and for democracy and freedom. Moreover, it received sympathy and
support from all sectors of society, turning the student's movement into an
all-people's democratic movement that could not be rolled back.
Under
pressure from the student movement and appeals from all parts of the country,
on April 29 the political regime sent Yuan Mu on behalf of State Council
representative, He Dongchang on behalf of the Ministry of Education, and Yuan
Libin on behalf of the Beijing City government, to meet and speak with student
representatives. However, the
student representatives at the meeting were invited by the officially-sponsored
National Student Alliance, while the Independent Student Alliance, viewed as a
hostile enemy by the regime, was completely excluded. In this meeting, Yuan Libin and the others stated that the
students had been manipulated and used by certain "long beards" (i.e.
people who are older than the students) and emphasized once again that the
Independent Student Alliance was "an illegal student organization"
that "we will not recognize".
Of
course, the Independent Student Alliance did not accept the legitimacy of this
officially directed "dialogue".
On the same day, Wang Dan and Wu'er Kaixi, as representatives of the
Independent Student Alliance, called a press conference to point out the
regime's efforts to mislead and lie to the people.
The
regime's intimidation and oppressive attitude towards the students closed off
all channels for political settlement and social reconciliation. But, just when this situation seemed to
be taking a turn for the worse, a ray of hope seemed to appear. Zhao Ziyong, who had just returned to
China, called a meeting of the Politburo Standing Committee on May 1, where he
denounced in no uncertain terms the position taken by the April 26 editorial in
the People's Daily. On May 3, Zhao
Ziyang published his speech on the 70th anniversary of the May 4th Movement,
deleting a sentence about "opposing bourgeois liberalization" from
the draft. On May 4th, more than
100 colleges and universities all over the country commenced large marches
commemorating the May 4th Movement.
On the same day, at the annual meeting of the Asian Development Bank,
Zhao Ziyang mentioned the student upheaval and once again emphasized his policy
of "solving problems through democracy and rule of law". He also said that there should be
dialogue with all sectors of society.
The chairman of the NPC, Wan Li, supported this idea. Ten high level generals also sent a
letter to Deng Xiaoping requesting him to peacefully respond to the student
movement. There were signs that
circumstances may take a calmer turn. At the end of the May 4th march, student leaders
announced an end to the classroom strike.
Out of these circumstances, the "Capital University Dialogue
Team" was born, preparing to consult at any moment with the government on
equal terms.
However,
the position of Zhao Ziyang and the reform faction within the party was not
endorsed by the highest levels within the party, and this split within the
party quickly became apparent to the public. When Li Peng received party secretaries and deans from eight
of the Beijing schools, he declared, " Comrade Zhao Ziyang's words
represent his personal opinion.
Comrade Deng Xiaoping's words represent the spirit of the Communist
Party". Because the
obstinate, hardliner faction always held the real power, the position of the
moderate reform faction represented by Zhao Ziyang had no chance of being truly
implemented, and no dialogue between the government and students could be
opened. The Chinese Communist
Party thus missed its opportunity to have a national dialogue with the people
and to promote constitutional democracy.
As
for the students, they could not possibly know the accurate information of the
split within the party. The gathering
political storm made them feel anxious and impatient.
On
May 9, a motion to continue the classroom strike was supported by 64% of the
Peking University student body in a democratic vote. Afterwards, students from Beijing Normal University and Beijing
Agricultural University also announced that they would continue the classroom
strike. On May 13, a Hunger Strike
Declaration was posted at Peking University and a hunger strike group was
formed. Students participating in
the hunger strike swore that in order to promote democratization in their
homeland, "I volunteer to go on a hunger strike. I will steadfastly follow the instructions from the Hunger
Strike Group, and will not give up until our goals are achieved."
At
dusk, more than 400 students in the hunger strike group went to Tiananmen
Square. This became an important
point of division within the '89 democracy movement. Both among the students and among those intellectuals who
supported the students, use of the hunger strike as a protest tactic was
controversial. In any event, the
undeniable fact was that this was a new starting point for turning the student
movement into a momentous national movement.
At
the same time this was all occurring, another event of great historical
significance was the leadership summit between the Soviet Union and China to be
held in Beijing. Media outfits
from all over the world sent their leading news teams to cover the event. However, all cameras turned towards the
hunger strike when its black flag rose over Tiananmen Square, tugging on the
heartstrings of all viewers.
On
May 15, which was the day that Gorbachev was to arrive in Beijing, ivory tower
intellectuals who had heretofore focused their attention on abstract matters
without ever engaging in real world issues walked onto the center stage of
history. 17 famous figures from
the intellectual world, including Dai Qing, Wen Yuankai, Bao Zunxin, Su
Xiaokang, Yu Haocheng, and Liu Zaifu, arrived at the square in order to
proclaim their support for the students' demands and demand that that the
regime implement political reform.
Dai Qing tried to persuade the students to end the hunger strike and
leave the square, but the students refused.
Just
when Gorbachev arrived at China's Capital Airport, 100,000 students had
gathered at Tiananmen Square and banners were unfurled which read in both
Chinese and Russian, "Democracy - An Ideal We All Share". How would this ideal be realized? At
the time, almost no one doubted that the country that would first bring down the
edifice of one-party dictatorial rule and initiate a new era full of hope and
promise would be China.
An
important sign that this democratic wave, with the student movement at the
forefront, was fast becoming an all-people's movement was the "May 16th Declaration"
and the "May 17th March", both emerging from the intellectual
world. For the first time since
1957, when Mao Zedong smashed the intellectuals, this group courageously stood
up and called for reform. The
upheaval was drawing in all sectors of society onto this great historical
stage, with even government employees and religious leaders joining the
demonstration. With large crowds
coming together in cities throughout China, the spirit of the Chinese people
had been awakened collectively for the first time since totalitarian oppression
had been imposed 40 years earlier.
But
on this day, May 16, while Deng Xiaoping was meeting with Gorbachev in the
Great People's Hall, the regime cut off all water supplies to Tiananmen
Square. This action demonstrated
the regime's anger towards the people's movement and its determination
"not to take one step back".
Moreover, the weakness and passivity of the Zhao Ziyang-led reform
faction within the Communist Party showed that the Communist Party would make
its own rules without any reference to laws, logic, reason, or feeling. At a meeting of the Politburo Standing
Committee on May 8, Zhao Ziyang raised proposals to clean up the official
ranks, limit the special privileges enjoyed by the cadres, disclose the private
assets of officials at the vice-ministerial level and above, open up media
freedom, promote an independent judiciary, and respond to the student
movement's six points by following the road to democracy and rule of law. However, as a result of Li Peng's
strident opposition, the Politburo did not even discuss these proposals. Ultimate power did not lie with Zhao
Ziyang nor even Li Peng, but rather with a small clique of wily old politician.
It
was the semi-retired Deng Xiaoping who announced at the Sino-Soviet Summit the
normalization of relations between the two countries, while the Communist Party
General Secretary, Zhao Ziyang, only ended up meeting with Gorbachev for 10
minutes at the Diaoyutai National Guest House. The obviously exhausted Zhao Ziyang decided at that moment
to place all his chips on one political roll of the dice. When he entered the national guest
house, his first words were, "Is this being broadcasted alive?" Once this was confirmed, Zhao Ziyang
revealed everything to Gorbachev about who were the most senior decision-makers
in the Chinese Communist Party.
Zhao Ziyang's feeble character combined with his unwillingness to
cooperate with corruption of the hardliner faction in the party, revealed well
in this last grand political gamble.
Facing
drastically changing circumstances, on May 18 the Politburo Standing Committee
called an expanded emergency meeting where Yang Shangkun conveyed Deng
Xiaoping's position: the nature of the situation had changed and firm measures
must be taken. Zhao Ziyang
responded by saying that he was "unable to comprehend and implement"
these instructions. Around noon,
Li Peng, Li Tieying, Li Ximing, and Yan Mingfu, received in the Great People's
Hall representatives of the students on hunger strike, where once again Li Peng
refused the demand for dialogue.
Zhao
Ziyang, who fully understood that all hope was now gone, pleaded with Yang
Shangkun to arrange a one-on-one meeting with Deng Xiaoping. However, Deng Xiaoping ended up meeting
all five standing members of the Politburo, along with Yang Shangkun and Li
Xianian. In the middle of that
night, the Communist Party, with the nucleus of its power firmly in Deng
Xiaoping's hands, made its final decision. At the meeting, Li Peng and Yao Yilin furiously denounced
Zhao Ziyang, while Deng Xiaoping stated that the time for debate was over; the
only remaining question was whether to proclaim martial law. The final vote at the meeting was Li
Peng and Yao Yilin in support, Zhao Ziyang opposed, Qiao Shi abstaining but
promising to follow whatever the party decided, and Hu Qili abstaining, but
maintaining the right to keep his own opinion. Deng Xiaoping expressed his support for the motion, while
Zhao Ziyang said he could not enforce the decision, and asked to resign citing
health reasons. The decision to
violently suppress this peaceful people's campaign was now irreversible. And so, a great bloodbath would
remorselessly fall upon China's Beijing at the end of the 20th century.
In
the early morning of May 19th, the now frail Zhao Ziyang arrived at Tiananmen
Square and bade a final farewell to the students on hunger strike. At this moment, Zhao Ziyang, who was
weeping uncontrollably, bade farewell to an era and to the life he knew and
depended on in the Chinese Communist Party. Afterwards, he would be locked up in history's black
box. At the same time, Deng
Xiaoping flew down to Wuhan to lead an expanded meeting of the Central Military
Committee. 300,000 troops set out
by nightfall to be massed in Beijing.
At
10pm on May 19th, television stations broadcast a meeting of party, government,
and military cadres held by the Chinese Communist Party and the State Council,
where Li Peng spoke on behalf of the Politburo. On May 20, the State Council Order to Impose Martial Law in
Certain Sections of Beijing, signed by Li Peng, was officially issued. From this moment, a new page would turn
on the 1989 democracy movement.
The
ancient city of Beijing, which had not experienced the taste of gun smoke since
the Boxer Rebellion, now woke up to find tens of thousands of troops pressing
on to the heart of the city. As a
result, frightened and angry Beijingers would enter the stage of this tragedy
where the people were pitted against the military.
The
people formed a human wall to block the roads against the troops enforcing
martial law, and the people would not budge. Farmers from the Beijing suburbs used hoes and other farming
implements to close off the highways. Beijing workers blocked the streets with
parked cars. Student picketers and
numerous city residents tried to appeal to people's hearts and minds through a
peaceful, non-violent willpower, in an effort to stop the armored onslaught. The newly established "Independent
Workers' Alliance" in Beijing stood on the frontlines of the people's
movement. The students and city
residents placed their faith in the fact that justice and the will of the
people could not be so easily scorned.
They hoped to hold on until the opening session of the National People's
Congress on June 20, and hoped that the tide would turn in favor of the Chinese
people during this crisis.
The
issuance of the martial law edict failed to unify all elements of the party and
the military, not to mention the people themselves. In the midst of the stormy turbulence enveloping the city, a
group of middle-aged and young cadres within the Communist Party apparatus
issued the Six Declarations on behalf of three schools and one institute led by
Chen Yizi, namely the China Economic Reform Institute, the State Council Rural
Research Center Development Institute, the CITIC Institute of International
Affairs, and the Beijing Youth Economic Institute. In addition, the authoritative People's Daily persisted in
publishing essays in veiled support of the democracy movement, forming a holy
alliance of sorts with CCTV, China Youth Daily, and other publications, in
opposition to the ultra hardliner Liberation Army Daily, Beijing Daily, and
Beijing TV. This phenomenon of
collective resistance to the party line within the party itself was
unprecedented.
There
was also a furious split within the military - 10 generals, including Zhang
Aiping, Xiao Ke, Ye Fei, Li Jukui, Yang Dazhi, Chen Zaidao, and Song Shilun,
submitted a written statement to the Central Military Committee chairman, Deng
Xiaoping, in opposition to the use of martial law. In addition, the head of the 38th army division, Xu Qinxian,
was ultimately sent to Qin Cheng prison because he opposed the use of force to
suppress the movement. The army
unit responsible for enforcing martial law repeatedly had its path blocked and
the hearts of its soldiers started to waver. 40 years earlier, the residents of Beiping (as Beijing was
then called) flocked to the streets to greet the People's Liberation Army as it
entered the city. 40 years on, the
PLA was at a loss about how to react; as soldiers camped out in the suburbs
were being cursed at from all directions and their morale sunk to new lows,
they must have been wondering what was going on. Aside from the use of the April 26 editorial for repeated
brainwashing, all television and newspapers were prohibited. Facing hostility on all sides, they
felt that other than an abstract "higher superior", there was nothing
to be gained by going into Beijing and losing men.
In
complete contrast, the democracy movement was becoming increasingly bold. This epic, awe-inspiring scene in which
peaceful and just means were used to resist armed force made them realize their
own power. The spirits of the
Chinese people had never been so high.
On
May 23, in defiance of the martial law edict, people from all sectors of
society in Beijing and many other cities commenced the most powerful
demonstration march of the 1989 democracy movement. The courage with which the Chinese people pursued freedom
reverberated all over the world.
In Hong Kong, Taiwan, the Western World, as well as the Soviet Union and
Eastern Europe, the wave of democracy in China became the focus of attention all
over the world. Hong Kong formed
its own "Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democracy Movement in
China" and had its biggest march since founding of the city, with one
million people participating. At
the Chang Kai-shek Memorial in Taipei, Taiwanese compatriots held multiple
rallies in support of the mainland democracy movement, with Jiang Weiguo and Ma
Yingjiu making generous contributions.
Chinese students studying abroad in the US and Europe came back to China
to join the democracy movement.
During the period of martial law, students at the square actually
possessed an increasing amount of resources, with all sections of society
providing a constant stream of donations in the form of funds, food, and
medicine. Donations from Chinese
all over the world kept arriving in Beijing without interruption.
During
this period, security and order in Beijing prevailed as never before. Students and city residents made a
conscious effort to adhere to the principles of peace and non-violence so as to
demonstrate to the world that Beijing did not need martial law. However, neither the young students nor
those who had themselves already been through numerous political campaigns
truly understood the cruel nature of the political regime. They naively believed that the power
and justness of the people's cause would be sufficient to overcome all
obstacles.
As
June approached, even though war clouds were gathering overhead, the more than
100,000 faithful young innocents who gathered in the square kept praying for a
miracle - that thousands of years of authoritarian rule would be overturned by
this peaceful, non-violent movement, trembling under the feet of the Goddess of
Democracy.
One
June 2, the four intellectuals Liu Xiaobo, Hou Dejun, Zhou Tuo, and Gao Xin
came to Tiananmen Square and announced a 48 hour hunger strike. Liu Xiaobo remarked," For
thousands of years, China's intellectuals have taken a subservient role to the
powers that be. They were all talk
and no action, expounding on abstract theories without actually doing
anything. Today, we four stand up
in order to show the public that a new movement in Chinese history has begun
with which intellectuals are proud to be associated. In active resistance to the military rule of Li Peng, we
call for the birth of a new political culture. We act, to make up for the shame of thousands of years of
silence, feebleness, blindness, and obedience to unjust rule."
On
the early morning of June 3, Beijing residents were still in bed and the
students in their tents, while unfurled banners were blowing in the wind all
over the square. The constant
anxiety and nervousness since the imposition of martial law seemed to have
already dissipated. However, at
2:30 am, six to seven thousand soldiers in civilian garb charged towards the
square. But just when they were a
hair's breadth away from the square, the soldiers unexpectedly could not cross
the final 200 meters. The
thousands of soldiers were detected by the ordinary people and pushed back to
underneath the trees lining the sidewalk.
These
soldiers were not wearing military uniforms, but rather white shirts, plaid
shirts, round-collared shirts, and various other styles, revealing an
elaborately-planned sneak attack.
They appeared unarmed, only carrying bags with cookies and other snacks
packed inside. Afterwards, it was
discovered that things weren't so simple.
The soldiers had actually had military belts around their waists, and
after all the pushing and shoving, various sharp implements were found to have
fallen on the ground, such as steel bars, daggers, nylon rope, and even some
kitchen knives. In any event, the
martial law enforcement unit had obviously changed tactics from entering the
city in the full light of day to underhandedly making a covert attack against
the students and city residents under the cover of darkness at night. This is a scandal that should be
recorded in the military annals, not to mention the fact that it failed.
At
4am, a tourist van with 24 seats with civilian license plates were stopped by
the students just as the vans were passing the Beijing Music Hall. Inside the vans were 10
rows of men who appeared more like fierce-looking soldiers than tourists. The students demanded that they show
their Ids, as well as proof that they were tourists. At first, the soldiers were evasive in their responses but
then they just remained silent.
City residents surrounded the vehicles. A foreign television crew went to the scene after discovering
what was happening, and under the video camera lights, students crawled into
the vans through the windows.
Inside, they made a startling discovery - sacks and paper bags filled
with weapons not often carried by ordinary people. On the roof of the vans, the students displayed the weapons
they had found, stirring up a fierce reaction from the people. The mood of the soldiers inside the
vans was becoming increasingly nervous, as if they knew about an even bigger
secret that they refused to reveal.
Up until the first rays of daylight appeared, students kept discovering
caches of automatic rifles, machine guns, and copious amounts of ammo inside
the sacks, as well as two civilian license plates that could be interchanged at
any time. The original plan
apparently had been to furtively transport the troops from the east while
secretly transporting weapons from the west.
Facing
a regime that seemed to be on knife's edge, the students once again made an
appeal to the people's sense of justice, calling for an all-city march at 2pm
in one last stand against the regime.
The
feeling of the people had already reached a boiling point. Beginning around noon-time, the entire
Chang'an Boulevard was shoulder to shoulder with people. People raised their arms, shouted words
of defiance, and sung the Internationale, in a scene reminiscent of when the
ancient Israelites surrounded the walls of Jericho. Any democratically elected government, facing such a
people's revolution, would have no choice but to step down or immediately begin
a dialog with the people. The
problem is, has China ever had such a government? Will China ever have such a government?
At
2pm, the expected conflict between the military and the people erupted. Police and soldiers streamed out of the
west gate and the Xinhua gate of Zhongnanhai, using teargas pellets, stun guns,
and bats to disperse the area and take back the tourist vans.
At
3:30 pm, thousands of soldiers who had been hiding in the Great People's Hall
suddenly sprang out of the west gate, but were surrounded by over 10,000
people, leading to pushing and shoving between the soldiers and ordinary
people. More than 10 students and
city residents were carried off with blood all over their faces. Hours later, student representatives
and military officials started negotiating. The army promised to pull back to the Great People's
Hall. The masses of people
immediately cleared off the road so the soldiers could pull back, cheering as
the soldiers left.
As
the sun set, a day filled with the smell of gunpowder came to a close, and
while there were plenty of scares, there were not any major catastrophes. This "great wall" of flesh
and blood once again stopped the onslaught of armed force. Each of the students and city residents
showed daring and energy. They
believed that destiny was on the side of the people. As long as they could keep the movement going until the
opening session of the NPC on June 20, then an insurmountable force would be
aroused both within the walls of Zhongnanhai and among their countrymen, and
history would be rewritten.
What
a Naive Dream This Was!
On the
evening of June 3, a national catastrophe was already brewing, with the angel
of death hovering overhead, getting closer and closer. After countless anxious nights, most
Beijing students returned back to school or home to rest, while students whose
homes were outside of Beijing manned the broadcast stand, broadcasting singing
competition across the Taiwan straits, as well as information on the
establishment of "Tiananmen Square Democracy University". This was the mood of the students the
night before the massacre. To
their very last breath, many of the students would not have realized that they
had formed a "counter-revolutionary gang". With the witness of god, please remember this last romance
under the Goddess of Democracy!
At
10:15 at night, the rumblings of war were approaching. Two armored cars driven at full speed
along Qianmen Avenue, crashed through the impediments placed on the street,
sending sparks flying everywhere.
It happened so suddenly that there was no wall of people on the street to
impede the vehicles. The steel
monstrosity crashed around wildly, whirling around until it finally hit a bus
roadblock. The impact tore a
gaping hole in the bus. After
backing up, the vehicle collided again with the back of the bus, and then
swerved into the square.
The
city residents along the street were shocked. Everywhere that the armored vehicles passed through, tears
streamed down the people's faces, unable to take in the shock. It was at this moment that the division
between the government and people became irreconcilable.
However,
the armored vehicles that forced their way into the square were unable to
completely break the people's nerve.
Students from various schools carrying banners came to reinforce the
square, while student picketers dispatched to different intersections to block
the roadways. City residents
massed together to form roadblocks, and used public buses to block the path
from Qianmen to the square.
As
the main fighting force pressed up against the boundary of the area, bringing a
murderous air in their wake, the city residents hardened their resolve. 13 years earlier, they had already been
through the solemn April 5 Tiananmen Square incident. The blood of the Beijing people would not be shed in
vain. They had previously brought
in a new era and now they wanted to set about creating another better
world. Which road will China
take, will be revealed in this Square immediately. In that endless dark night, the imperial and republican
structures surrounding the square receded into abstract subjects with only
their faint outlines remaining; an eerie, menacing air seemed to envelop the
square.
Just
at this moment, the sounds of gunfire erupted, both far away and nearby. Students gathered around the broadcast
stand to issue one last declaration, "I hereby swear that I am willing to
sacrifice my young life to protect Tiananmen Square and protect the republic;
our heads may be chopped off and our blood may flow, but we will not let the
people's square go!" This
desperate, last ditch pledge, became reality, and this day of June 4, 1989,
would enter the annals of history and left a wound that would never heal.
On
June 4, 1989, at 1:15am Beijing time, the first army division came in from
directly south of the square, with the vanguard passing through the Qianmen
intersection. They were met by
students and city residents ready for whatever may come. The students and city residents were
completely unarmed, only using their own bodies to form a final defensive line
to protect Tiananmen Square.
Without any hesitation, the soldiers let out a stream of gunfire. The defensive line immediately
collapsed. Only a few bold
residents threw soda bottles back at the soldiers, but this was of course
insufficient to stop the push. As
the army division pushed through, soldiers who had been hiding in the Great
People's Hall and the History Museum charged in. At 1:30am, a high-powered loudspeaker that was attached to
the roof of the Great People's Hall repeatedly began making emergency announcements. The first time the Beijingers heard the
shocking words, "A dangerous counter-revolutionary riot has erupted in the
capital tonight...", only a small minority obeyed the emergency
announcement and left the square, while many more residents arrived the Square
instead. At this most critical
juncture, the ordinary people of Beijing who were standing at the periphery of
the square used their bodies to shield their young brothers and sisters who had
laid down their life for the cause.
A
constant stream of the wounded was being carried off to the medical station at
the square. Students and residents
constantly ran in with reports about the brutal crackdown in different parts of
the city. The deadliest area was
at West Chang'An Boulevard, from Princess' Tomb to Muxidi, with countless
bodies lying dead. At Chongwenmen,
Jianguomen, and Zhushikou, the sound of gunshots came from all directions. All hopeless resistance soon ended.
Groups
of individuals mournfully retreated back from their stations and gathered at
the center of the square. This
would be the site of their last stand.
These young noble people, who never resisted, simply sat there quietly,
holding each other's hands, frozen like a group of statutes. Their determination for death surpassed
the bloodshed and the terror, as well as the hatred and criminality of the
regime. They were ready to lay
down their lives, completing a sacrifice that would be forever remembered in
history.
Then,
at exactly 4am, all the lights in the square were shut off.
In
order to drive away the fear that was hovering above in the darkness and
demonstrate that they would not give up their resistance, the people lit their
dismantled tents, tattered cotton threads, and piles of garbage on fire. Fiery glows rose over the square, like
huge bonfires. As if being called
by the flames, a large crowd of residents who had been standing on the outside
of the square started to gather around the memorial statue. Despite their love of life and strong
desire to live, they decided that they couldn't just sit by and watch their
compatriots die. This essential
characteristic of the Chinese people was quickly transformed into a most
beautiful and brilliant spirit, which radiated throughout this scene of life
and death.
Chinese
People - Why Can You Only Die Heroically But Not Live Heroically?
At
this extraordinary fraught moment, the famous singer from Taiwan, Hou Deijian
pleaded with the students and city residents to save their own lives. He said, "Fellow students, let us
conduct one last act of democracy.
Let us take a vote on whether or not to peacefully pull back from the
square." The first to support
the motion for pulling back was the representative of the Independent Workers'
Alliance, which had been the most courageous in resisting the military. After taking a voice vote, the students
began pulling back to the southeast corner of the square.
At
4:30am, the square was lit up again, signal flares streaming across the night
sky. A large group of armored
vehicles and tanks noisily entered the square. Soldiers charged in from all directions with rifles,
stomping over what remained of the tents.
A few students had still not pulled back from the memorial statute, and
large groups of soldiers in camouflage swarmed over them, terrorizing and
striking at the students with their guns.
During
this time, there was chaos all over the square, with fires raging and tanks
streaming in. Everything was
over. However, the massacre had
not ended. Students who had pulled
back ran into pursuing tanks at Liubukou, leading to more bloodshed and
unprecedented tragedy. At three in
the afternoon, the clear, bright sky quickly darkened with storm clouds, and a
downpour ensued. Beijing
wept.
What
vanished in that sea of blood and road of fire was not anything revolutionary
or groundbreaking, but a simple ideal common to all humanity. Its cry has been heard in China for 100
years, incurring suppression by sword, noose, high-pressure hose, the barrel of
a gun, and labor re-education camps.
In later times, artillery, tanks, and armored vehicles would be
used. The enemies of this ideal
have become increasingly cruel while the ideal itself remains only a
dream.
On
June 5, gunfire sounded without end.
One
June 6, gunfire sounded without end.
On
June 7, gunfire sounded without end.
On
June 8, the guns finally fell silent.
Ultimately,
how many people died in this massacre?
On the day after the massacre, the China Red Cross provided the figure
of 2600 dead in response to a question raised by a foreign reporter. Three days later, the Chinese
government provided its own official figure of 300 deaths. The accurate figure has been locked in
a black box, forever remaining an object of speculation.
At
exactly 7pm on June 9, television stations around the world simultaneously
broadcast Deng Xiaoping's speech.
As
a result, the whole world would listen to this momentous Asian figure to
explain in person the reason for what happened. This was a typical method of exhortation used in the system;
a clear, unmistakable explanation of a unique way of thinking - Deng Xiaoping
unequivocally put his own spin on this epoch-making event, pointing out that
this was a life-and-death struggle between two different ideologies. Ordinary people were once again made to
understand in no uncertain terms that differing belief systems would not be
tolerated in China as long as the communist party was in charge. Any conflict between different ideals
could only be solved through bloodshed.
Afterwards,
Deng Xiaoping called for party, political, and military leaders to rise and
observe a moment of silence for the soldiers, police, and public security
personnel who had died in the conflict.
However, Deng Xiaoping did not make any mention of the exponentially
greater number of students and city residents who were killed by the soldiers.
And
worse was yet to come. The regime
created a most wanted list, and placed the Independent Workers' Alliance, 21
student leaders, and seven intellectuals on the list. Not on the list were those who were already picked up in the
police sweep and thrown into jail, charged with creating disorder and
counter-revolutionary rioting.
Their numbers remain unknown.
From Beijing to other parts of China, the jails were filled to the brink
in an instant. A murderous air
spread throughout the country.
And
just like that, a new era that never really began was now over. From beginning to end, the communist
party could not dodge its culpability or offer up any justification. Its only course of action was to
wash away the bloodstains along Chang'an Boulevard, and thereby wash away the
Chinese people's memories of June 4.
The
people fell silent. A period of
deep reflection followed under the pressure of the terror. What did the 1989 democracy movement
contribute to the world? What did it leave for China?
Spilled
blood, broken bones, and wrongful killed souls are the evidence left to
history, demonstrating the cold, calculating brutality of totalitarian systems,
a notable head of which is the Chinese Communist Party. It will never voluntarily let go
of its monopoly on power and share it with the people. The communist party itself does not
believe the communist myths, but instead uses violence and lies to hold the
entire country hostage, dragging the Chinese people along a dangerous path, the
final destination of which is not even known by the party.
The
1989 democracy movement revealed to the people that the reform faction within
the communist party was inherently weak and powerless, unable to overcome the
heartless rules of the game set out by the party.
The
1989 democracy movement also revealed to the people that, as in previous cases,
the justness, sincerity, and sense of responsibility that many intellectuals
demonstrated was like a flickering light in a cold wind, weak and frail. They need to muster even more moral
courage in order to face China's changing circumstances in the future.
Finally,
the 1989 democracy movement also made clear that while students as a group are
often on the frontlines of a people's movement, it is difficult for them to
shoulder the responsibility of being the main force in great social change.
While
we are confident that this period of darkness will end, we should not believe
that we can just sit and wait for the dawn to arrive.
Refuse
to forget, reject the lies, fight against subjugation, and resist brutal
tyranny. This is the historical
testimony that we submit to the Chinese people.
Link
of the soundtrack:
http://weijingsheng.org/interviews/interviews2009/WJSF64audio.mp3
-----------------------------------------------------------------
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中文版
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A457-W254
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A457-W254
Release
Date: June 3, 2009
发布日：2009年6月3日
Topic:
1989 - History Written in Blood (Wei Jingsheng Foundation's video documentary
of the history of the 1989 Democracy Movement in China: narrative and soundtrack)
标题：１９８９ -- 血写的历史 (魏京生基金会电视文献片解说词及录音)
Original
Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2009/report2009-06/64video090603WJSfoundationA457-W254.htm
-----------------------------------------------------------------
2009年6月3日，魏京生基金会将在美国国会大厦公布其制作的有关1989中国民主运动的50分钟长的电视记录片的相关资料。我们无意寻求任何经济补偿，恳请大家广泛传发。正如魏京生所言:
我们以此来纪录一场屠杀，一段历史，来让年轻的中国人了解过去发生过的事情，来接受血的教训。拒绝遗忘，拒绝谎言，拒绝奴役、拒绝暴政。这就是我们献给中国人民的历史证言。
__ __ __
１９８９ -- 血写的历史
魏京生基金会制作
总策划人: 魏京生
撰稿人: 孔捷生
执行主任: 黄慈萍
解说词: 张敏,廖小强
录音: 江月
制片: 司鹏程,尹刚
协助制作: 陈兴宇,陈邦铮
2009年6月
www.WeiJingSheng.org
1-202-543-1538
HCP@WeiJingSheng.org
or HCP0411WJS@aol.com
__ __ __
１９８９ -- 血写的历史
电视片解说词
这里是中国的心脏，它博大而宏伟。凝固着帝王气象的古建筑沿南北中轴线一字排开，而东西两侧却是共和景象，糅合着苏俄风格的人民大会堂和历史博物馆巍然相对﹐象征着一个时代。这种皇权帝制与共产主义的奇异混合﹐在居东西南北之中的毛主席纪念堂有最强烈而集中的体现。这群风格矛盾的庞大建筑物围拢着一个空间﹐这就是全世界最大的天安门广场。这座舞台只有上演震撼全世界的历史事件才配得起它的壮阔恢宏--气壮山河的八九民运就在这里拉开了帷幕﹐而六四屠杀却把中国人民响遏行云的呐喊锁进了历史的黑箱。
拒绝遗忘，揭开记忆黑箱上凝固着血痂的封条。在这里﹐我们献给全世界炎黄子孙的，只是历史的真相。
八九民运的先声，是西单民主墙和贯穿整个八十年代的思想解放运动。
早在文革后期，中国就涌现了疾风劲草一般的地下运动，他们的心声，凝聚到北岛的一句诗里：“我--不--相--信”。有了这“我不相信”的一代，才有文革结束后的第一波思想解放运动--“北京之春”，《探索》、《今天》、《五四青年论坛》、《星星画展》，这都是拱开冰层的春潮。1979年，西单民主墙被封，《第五个现代化》的作者魏京生被捕入狱，但思想解放运动并没有退潮。“伤痕文学”、先锋戏剧与电影、《走向未来丛书》、电视片《河殇》......成了民主与科学的精神启蒙。
80年代青年对新知的渴求，对权威的叛逆，致使共产意识形态受到了空前的挑战。1986年北京大学生发起了一场要求民主选举的示威游行。1987年北京当局开除了方励之、刘宾雁、王若望的党籍，并开始了“反资产阶级自由化运动”，中共总书记胡耀邦被迫辞职。这一年的冬天格外寒冷，然而在严寒的政治气候之下，以北大
“民主沙龙”为代表的校园民主运动并没有中断，这一代叛逆者，如同已经抽芽的种子，在冻土下等待着惊蛰的雷声。
一九八九--在中国历史上这个年份是一个大时代的开端。
1989年1月6日，在联合国人权宣言发表40周年之际，方励之教授给邓小平写信，呼吁释放已被关押了十年的魏京生和所有政治犯。1月28日，王元化、王若水、苏绍智、方励之等一百多名知识分子，在《新启蒙丛书》首发式上纪念法国大革命200周年和五四运动70周年会上提出要完成五四先贤的未竟之业，仅靠书生空议论是不行的，要切实付诸行动。
2月16日，
诗人北岛发起联署公开信，向邓小平和中共中央、全国人大常委会呼吁在建国四十周年之际实行大赦，释放魏京生及所有政治犯，以创造有利于改革的和谐气氛，顺应尊重人权的国际潮流。在公开信上签名的有老作家冰心、萧乾、吴祖光、严文井，还有汤一介、冯亦代、苏绍智、王若水、宗璞、张洁、金观涛、李泽厚等33位著名知识分子。2月26日，争取民主权利和呼吁政治改革的上书活动扩大到科学界，由许良英发起的要求释放政治犯、尊重人权的公开信，共有42名学者签名，大部分是著名科学家。3月1日，北大清华同时贴出《告人民书》大字报，要求“解除四项基本原则”；3月2日，北大贴出《为中国人的悲哀》的大字报，号召“为自由而战”。
山雨欲来风满楼，一个新纪元的序幕即将揭开了。
1989年4月15日，胡耀邦因心脏病发猝然去世。当晚，北京、上海、天津、南京、长沙、合肥、西安、哈尔滨等城市的多间高校，都贴出了大批挽联、大字报，悼念胡耀邦，要求政治改革，结束封建专制的家长统治，弘扬民主、科学精神。
4月16日，天津南开大学和上海复旦大学、同济大学的学生率先冲出校门，走上街头游行。
4月17日，几千名北京大学生游行到天安门广场，在人民英雄纪念碑前献上花圈和挽联，这一天广场上聚集的学生与群众多达数十万。
4月18日，学生在人民大会堂外静坐，学生代表向人大常委会委员刘延东以及人大代表陶西平、宋世雄递交了请愿书。当晚，数千学生聚集到新华门静坐，要求与国务院总理李鹏对话。
4月19日，《世界经济导报》和《新观察》在北京联合召开纪念胡耀邦座谈会，由《新观察》主编戈扬主持。座谈会的主题就是呼吁立刻进行政治改革。
4月20日下午，当局出动武警驱散新华门外的静坐学生，强行把学生拖进汽车送回学校。
4月22日，
中共中央在人民大会堂为胡耀邦举行追悼会，几万学生聚集在广场，要求瞻仰胡耀邦遗容，遭到拒绝。学生代表郭海峰、周勇军、张智勇三人在人民大会堂东门长跪，高举请愿书，要求李鹏出来和学生见面。从这一历史性的画面，就可以看到，中国人从臣民到公民的蜕变，还要经过多少痛苦的蜕变。但是，无论请愿者是跪着还是站着，李鹏始终没有出现。
当局对学生诉求的蔑视和压制，激起全国各地更大规模的学生请愿集会和示威游行。上海复旦大学贴出大字报，要求重新评价1986年的学潮。天津南开大学贴出的大字报，要求李鹏辞职。武汉、西安的学生走上街头，喊出“声援北京学生”的口号。到了4月25日，学生运动已经蔓延到全国28个省市。在连续多日的抗议活动中，北京高校的学生认识到团结起来成立学生组织的重要性，北大率先成立了“团结学生会筹委会”，宣布废除原来官方控制的北大学生会。“筹委会”将原来的请愿书扩充成其纲领。
根据这个纲领，“北大团结学生筹委会”发出了《告北京高校书》，倡议联合起来，民主选举代表，共同成立统一领导学运的学生组织。4月23日，北京21所高校的代表在圆明园开会，成立了“北京高等院校学生自治联合会”（简称高自联），高自联的崛起，是八九学运最具标志性的事件。从这一刻起，中共政权终于发现将要面对的是一个完全不受自己控制的组织，它哪怕再年轻、再弱小，都将对坚如磐石的党天下构成迫在眉睫的威胁。
就在高自联成立的4月23日这天，主张“协商对话”和“在民主、法制轨道上解决问题”的中共总书记赵紫阳离开北京赴北朝鲜访问。
4月24日，上海《世界经济导报》报道了“4.19”中共纪念胡耀邦座谈会的全部发言，引起社会强烈反弹。当时任中共上海市委书记的江泽民立即撤销《世界经济导报》总编辑钦本立的职务，并且迫使该报停刊。
李鹏在24日晚上至25日凌晨，召开政治局常紧急会议，给学运定性为一场“有计划有组织的反党、反社会主义的斗争”。李鹏向邓小平汇报时，邓小平同意了政治局常委的意见，并进一步指出这是“阴谋”和“动乱”，要平息就要“快刀斩乱麻”，“一步也不能退。”“不要怕国际影响”，“要尽量避免流血，但又不可能完全避免流血”，邓小平还表扬了上海市委的“果断措施”。
按照邓小平的指示，4月26日，《人民日报》发表了《必须旗帜鲜明地反对动乱》的社论。当局的不可逆转的政治抉择，就成了八九民运的分水岭，敦请政府实施改革的学生运动，被定性为“敌我矛盾”，形势急转直下，学生宣布罢课，并发起了声势浩大的“四二七大游行”，38所北京高校的三万多名学生，冲出校门，突破警察的几十道防线，会师天安门广场。
这次大游行的重要意义，在于它是学生首次运用宪法赋予的“结社自由”的权利，组织起来和政府对抗，从此演变成全国性的波澜壮阔的学生运动。“四二七大游行”提出了反贪污、反腐败和要民主、争自由的更明确的政治诉求，并且得到社会各界的共鸣和支持，八九学运升级为全民民主运动，已势不可挡。
迫于学运的磅礴气势和全国上下的呼应，4月29日， 当局派出代表国务院的袁木、代表国家教委的何东昌、代表北京市委的袁立本和学生代表对话，但这些学生代表是官方控制的全国学联所邀请的，被当局视为“敌对势力”的高自联依然被排斥在外。在这次对话中，袁木等人声称学生受到了某些“长胡子的人”的操纵和利用，并且一再强调高自联是“非法组织”，“我们不予承认”。
而“高自联”理所当然地不予承认这次由官方导演的“对话”，王丹和吾尔开希代表高自联在同一天召开记者招待会，指出这是愚弄和欺骗全国人民的行为。
当局对学生的恫吓和高压姿态，堵塞了一切政治协商和社会和解的途径。然而就在此时，险恶的局面似乎出现了一线转机。刚刚回国的赵紫阳于5月1日上午召开政治局常委会，表明否定《四二六社论》的立场。5月3日，赵紫阳发表五四运动七十周年讲话，删去了讲稿中“反对资产阶级自由化”的字句。5月4日，全国100多所高校发起了纪念五四的大规模游行。在这同一天，赵紫阳在亚洲开发银行年会上谈到学潮，再次强调“在民主和法制的轨道上解决问题”，与社会各阶层展开对话。人大委员长万里亦高度赞同。十位高级将领亦致函邓小平，要求以和平方法响应学运。时局有了缓和的迹象。学生领袖在五四游行结束时，宣布结束罢课。“首都高校对话团”也应运而生，随时准备和政府展开平等的政治协商。
但是，赵紫阳和部分党内改革派的主张，在中共高层并没有得到认同，而且这种政治分歧迅速公开化。李鹏在接见八所北京高校党委书记和校长时声明：“赵紫阳同志的讲话是他的个人意见，中央精神是邓小平同志的讲话。”由于顽固派、强硬派始终把持着最高权力，赵紫阳等温和派、改革派的主张无法贯彻，政府和学生的对话不能展开。中国共产党就此错失了与人民共商国是、推行民主宪政的机会。
而在学生这方面，他们不可能得知中共高层内部分歧的准确信息，密云不雨的政治气压让他们感到压抑和焦躁，
5月9日，北大学生经过民主投票，以64%的支持率赞成继续罢课。随后北师大、北农大等高校也宣布坚持罢课。5月13日，《绝食宣言》在北大三角地贴出，并成立了绝食团，参加绝食的学生都宣誓：为了促进祖国民主化进程，我自愿绝食。坚决服从绝食团指挥，不达目的，决不罢休！
当天傍晚，绝食团四百多学生开赴天安门广场，这是八九学运一条重要的分界线。无论在学生当中还是支持学运的知识分子当中，对绝食这种抗争方式都是有争议的。但无可否认，它是学生运动演变为波澜壮阔的全国民主运动的新起点。
这时的另一个历史契机就是，中苏最高首脑会谈就要在北京举行，世界各大媒体都派出阵容强大的采访团队全程报道，当绝食的黑旗在天安门广场升起，它牵动了所有新闻摄像机，也牵动了所有人的心弦。
5月15日，戈尔巴乔夫将要抵达北京的这一天，一直在作思想耕耘、精神启蒙而又只是坐而论道的知识分子走上了历史的前台。戴晴、温元凯、包遵信、苏晓康、于浩成、刘再复等17名知识界知名人士来到了广场，他们发表演讲，支持学生的诉求，要求当局实行政治革。戴晴劝谕学生停止绝食、撤出广场，遭到学生的拒绝。
戈尔巴乔夫抵达中国首都机场之际，天安门广场上聚集了十万学生，他们打出中俄双语的横幅：“民主--我们共同的理想”。这个理想到底在哪里能得到实现？当时几乎没有人怀疑，率先冲决专制堤坝、开创一个朝气蓬勃新纪元的﹐将是中国。
以学运为前导的民主大潮迅速扩展为全民运动，重要的标志就是知识界的“五一六宣言”和“五一七大游行”，这个群体自从１９５７年被毛泽东敲断了脊梁骨以来，第一次挺起了腰杆，发出了勇敢的呐喊。这场风暴把各个社会阶层都卷进了历史大舞台，连国家公务员和宗教界人士都投入示威游行，中国各大城市都翻卷着人海旗林，这是中国人经受了四十年极权压迫之后的集体精神觉醒。
然而，就在5月16日这天，当邓小平和戈尔巴乔夫在人民大会堂会谈时，当局切断了天安门广场的供水，这一举动泄露了当局对人民运动的震怒和“一步也不能退”
的决心。而以赵紫阳为代表的中共党内改革派的懦弱和消极态度，也揭示出中共这个政党无法无天、无理和无情的游戏规则。赵紫阳5月8日在政治局常委会上提出清理官倒、限制干部特供、公布副部长以上个人财产、开放新闻自由、推行司法独立、在民主法制轨道上解决学运的六项主张，但由于李鹏的强烈反对，政治局常委会根本不予讨论。实际上牢牢把持着最高决策权的非但不是赵紫阳，甚至不是李鹏，而是一小撮政治老人。
在中苏首脑会谈上宣布两国关系正常化的是半退休的邓小平，而中共总书记赵紫阳却在他之后，仅有10分钟时间在钓鱼台国宾馆和戈尔巴乔夫会面，已经内外交困的赵紫阳就在这一刻，押上了自己整个政治生涯作孤注一掷。他走进国宾馆时的头一句话是：“是直播吗？”，确认电视直播后，赵紫阳把中共的最高决策人到底是谁，向戈尔巴乔夫和盘托出。赵紫阳的软弱本质和他不愿和党内强硬派同流合污，都在这最后一把政治豪赌里昭然若揭。
面对急转直下的形势，5月18日上午，中共中央政治局常委召开紧急扩大会议，杨尚昆传达邓小平的意见：事情的性质已经变了，要采取坚决措施。赵紫阳表示对此 “难以理解，难以执行。”中午，李鹏、李铁映、李锡铭、阎明复在人民大会堂接见绝食学生代表，李鹏再次拒绝政治对话的要求。
深知大势已去的赵紫阳恳求杨尚昆作安排，希望单独会见邓小平。但邓小平召见的是政治局五名常委加上杨尚昆和李先念。就在这天深夜，中共权力核心在邓小平的家中作出了最后抉择。会上李鹏、姚依林对赵紫阳猛烈开火，邓小平要求不作其他争论，只决定是否戒严。常委会表决结果是：李鹏、姚依林支持；赵紫阳反对；乔石弃权，但服从党的决定；胡启立弃权，但保留个人意见。邓小平当即表示赞成这个决定，而赵紫阳则表示他不能执行，以身体不好为理由，请求辞职。以武力镇压人民的和平运动这一决定已不可逆转，20世纪未的一场大血祭﹐就这样宿命般的设坛于中国的北京。
5月19日凌晨，心力交瘁的赵紫阳来到天安门广场，向绝食学生作最后的告别。此刻老泪纵横的赵紫阳也是在和一个时代诀别，和他赖以安身立命的中国共产党诀别，随后他就被囚禁在了历史的黑箱中。与此同时，邓小平飞到武汉召开了军委扩大会议。三十万大军星夜兼程向北京集中。
5月19日晚10点整，电视播出了中共中央、国务院召开的党政军干部大会，李鹏代表政治局讲话。5月20日，李鹏签署的《国务院关于在北京部分地区实行戒严的命令》正式发出。八九民运从此又掀开了新的一页。
北京这座自“八国联军”以来从未领略过炮火硝烟的古城，在一觉醒来之际，发现数十万大军正在向城市的心脏逼进。于是惊骇而且震怒的北京人上演了一出“全民截兵”的悲壮剧。
戒严部队的多路进军都被人民的血肉长城所阻挡，动弹不得。北京郊县的农民用铁耙等农具封锁公路，北京的工人用汽车堵塞道路干线。而学生纠察队和广大市民则动之以情，晓之以理，用“和平、非暴力”的意志，截住了滚滚铁流。新成立的北京“工自联”站到了人民运动的前列。不畏强暴的学生与市民坚信﹐天理与民心不可轻侮﹐希望能坚持到6月20日全国人大会议开幕﹐给危难之中的中华民族以新的转机。
戒严令的发布，并没有统一党心军心，更不用说民心了。中共体制内的一批中青年干部在黑云压城的危难之际发表了“三所一会”的《六点声明》，他们是以陈一谘为所长的中国经济体制改革研究所和国务院农村研究中心发展研究所、中信公司国际问题研究所、北京青年经济学会。此外，最权威的《人民日报》也一直顽强地发表隐晦地支持民运的文章﹐并和中央电视台﹑《中国青年报》等结成神圣同盟﹐和死硬派的《解放军报》﹑《北京日报》﹑北京电视台列阵对垒﹐大唱反调。这种体制内的“集体反水”现象，在中共过去的党内斗争史里从未有过。
军队内部也充满歧见纷争，张爱萍、肖克、叶飞、李聚奎、杨得志、陈再道、宋时轮等１０名上将上书军委主席邓小平，反对戒严，而３８军军长徐勤先因反对武力镇压，最终被关进了秦城监狱。戒严部队进军屡屡受阻，军心浮动，四十年前北平市民万人空巷，箪食壶浆，夹道欢迎人民解放军入城。而四十年后，茫然不知所措的解放军官兵在郊县风餐露宿，到处挨骂，部队士气沮丧，不知此来为何。除了用“四二六社论”反复洗脑外，连电视及报纸都禁止。面对四面楚歌，他们觉得除了抽象的“上级”以外，谁也不需要他们来北京丢人。
与此相反，在民运这一方则愈战愈勇。用和平正义对抗枪杆子的气壮山河的史诗场面﹐让他们看到了自己的力量。中国人的民气从来没有这样昂扬过。
5月23日，北京和多个大城市的各界民众无视戒严令的恫吓，发起了八九民运以来最声势浩大的示威游行。中国人追求自由的勇气，在全世界激起了巨大的反响。在香港、台湾，在西方世界，在苏联和东欧，中国民主的浪潮成了举世瞩目的焦点。香港成立了“支联会”，并爆发了开埠以来最大规模的百万人大游行。在台北中正纪念堂，台湾同胞多次举行支持大陆民运的集会，蒋纬国、马英九慷慨解囊，在欧美留学的中国学生纷纷回国投入民运......戒严期间，广场学生反而拥有了更多资源，社会各界的捐款和食物医药源源不断，全球华人捐献给中国民运的物资也络绎不绝地运抵北京。
在这期间，北京的治安与秩序都空前良好，学生与市民自觉地遵循“和平非暴力”原则，他们要向全世界展示，北京不需要戒严！然而，无论是年轻的学生还是经历过无数次政治运动蹂躏的民众，都未能真正了解这个政权的残暴本质。他们天真地幻想：人海旗林的隆隆声威足以压倒一切。
进入六月，尽管北京上空战云密布﹐广场上十数万年轻的丹心赤子﹐衷心祈盼着奇迹--几千年的专制阴魂会被一张“和平、非暴力”的符箓镇住﹐颤巍巍地匍匐在洁白的民主女神像脚下。
六月二日，刘晓波、侯德健、周舵、高新四位知识分子来到天安门广场，宣布“四十八小时绝食”，刘晓波说：“中国的知识分子，在几千年来......基本上处于顺从地位。中国的知识分子只会动口而不会动手，只会空谈理论而很少行动。今天，我们四个站出来，就是要代表我们自己，在中国历史上开始一个公开的，知识分子联名出现的，真正的行动！以行动抗议李鹏政府的军管，以行动，呼吁一种新的政治文化的诞生。以行动，忏悔我们几千年的沉默，软弱，盲目，顺从所犯下的种种过失......
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6月3日凌晨。北京人在床上﹐学生在帐篷里。营地的旗帜呼拉拉卷着广场上的风。戒严以来持续的忧愤﹑焦虑﹑警觉已徐徐松弛成酣梦。然而，就在凌晨两点半，六、七千穿着便衣的军人对广场发动了一次突袭，但在距广场仅一箭之遥﹐军队竟无法逾越这最后的两百米。几千军人被闻讯而来的群众分割包围﹐沮丧地退到人行道树下。
这些军人都没穿军装﹐白衬衫﹑花格子衫﹑圆领衫﹐五花八门﹐显然是一次精心伪装的偷袭。他们看上去都是徒手，只拎一个包，内装压缩饼干之类的物品。后来才知道并非如此简单。士兵们一概腰缠两条军用皮带﹐拉扯撕缠的混乱之后﹐地面遗落了很多磨尖的铁条﹑匕首﹑钢筋﹑尼龙绳索﹑甚至还有菜刀等。无论如何﹐戒严部队一改青天白日下列队进城的方式﹐而对和平的学生市民采取夜半伪装的偷袭﹐这是要写进军事史的丑闻，更何况﹐它竟然失败了。
凌晨四点，一辆挂着民用牌照的廿四座旅游中巴﹐刚驶过北京音乐厅就被学生截停。车内约有十条汉子﹐平民装束掩盖不住军人的精悍之气。学生请他们说明身分和出示证件就放行。军人先是支吾而后沉默。市民旋即包围此车。一支外国电视采访组闻风而至﹐摄像灯光之下﹐学生从窗口钻进车内﹐其发现令人震惊。车内堆满的麻包和纸箱内装的是奇形怪状的凶器。学生在车顶展示这些物证﹐激起群众一阵阵怒吼。车内军人神情紧张﹐好像有更重大的隐密而默不作声。直至天色初亮时﹐学生又在麻包里发现一批自动步枪﹑机枪和大量弹药，还有两个可以随时更换的民用车牌。原来这次行动，部队是从东突袭﹐武器从西路偷运。
面对当局剑拔弩张的架势﹐学生再次诉诸社会的公义良心﹐号召各界人民下午2时举行全市大游行﹐对当局作最后的泣血之谏。
当日的民情已达沸点﹐自中午起﹐整条长安街已水泄不通地涌动着既惊又怒的人海。义愤填膺的人群振臂吶喊﹐高亢的《国际歌》声和口号声如怒涛般拍击着历代帝王血色的宫墙﹐栖身于故宫殿檐的燕雀呼啦啦惊起﹐久久落不下来。任何一个民选政府﹐面对如此波澜壮阔的人民革命﹐除辞职下台或立即和人民对话谈判﹐实在已无其它选择。问题是：中国有过这样的政府吗﹖中国会有这样的政府吗﹖
下午2时﹐预料中的军民冲突果然发生了。从中南海西门和新华门冲出大批军警两路夹击﹐用催泪弹﹑电棍﹑大棒殴击和驱散人群﹐夺回在六部口的旅游巴士。
3时半﹐潜伏在人民大会堂内的数千军人突然从西门开出﹐旋即被上万群众包围，旋即发生军民扭打﹐十几名学生和市民血流满面地被扶走。双方对峙数小时后﹐学生代表和军官谈判。军队终于答应“撤回大会堂”﹐群众即时让路﹐并鼓掌夹道欢送。
暮色初临﹐充满火药味的一天即将过去﹐大致可算有惊无险。血肉长城又一次挡住了滚滚铁流。学生与市民个个意气风发﹐他们相信，天理与民心不可轻侮﹐只要坚持到6月20日全国人大会议开幕﹐无论中南海的宫墙里还是全世界的骨肉同胞﹐都会激发出难以估量的能量﹐霎那间将历史改写﹗
这是多么天真烂漫的想象﹗
六月三日晚上，一场民族浩劫已经乘着死神的翅膀，在夜色中盘旋、迫近。而这时，经过一夕数惊的折腾﹐北京的学生大都回校或回家休息去了﹐广场上以外地学生为主体的学生广播站，不停播出通过长途电讯传来的“海峡两岸对歌”，以及“广场民主大学”成立的消息。这就是大屠杀前夕学生的精神状态。他们当中好多人到生命最后一息﹐都不知道自己成了“反革命暴徒”。苍天昭昭﹐请记住民主女神下这最后的罗曼谛克。
晚上１０时１５分﹐战幕震耳欲聋地拉开了。两辆装甲车就如庞大的恐龙从夜幕中冲出﹐沿前门西大街开足马力全速冲锋﹐将凌散单薄的路障辗得火星四溅。事出突然﹐街上并无人墙。钢铁怪兽横冲直撞﹐疾驰至前门才首遇巴士路障。第一下冲击将巴士撞出个大窟窿﹐接着退后再硬闯﹐把巴士尾部撞得稀巴烂﹐然后拐弯突入广场。
沿街的市民如遭雷殛。铁甲车所过之处﹐老百姓霎时泪洒长街，人们无法接受这极具震撼性的事实。此刻，政府和人民无可挽回地彻底决裂了。
强行突进广场的装甲车，未能起到震慑作用。各院校的学生打着旗帜增援广场﹐学生纠察队则开赴各路口组织堵截。市民群起设置路障﹐更用公共巴士堵住前门通广场的要道。
大军压境﹐杀气弥漫，北京市民依然斗志高昂。他们经历过１３年前另一次悲壮的“四五”天安门事件。北京人的血没有白流，他们曾经创造了一个时代﹐现在他们更要着手创造另一个时代。中国向何处去﹐将在广场立见分晓。夜色苍茫﹐广场四周的帝王宫阙和共和建筑被抽象化﹐只剩下黝黑的轮廓﹐大气中凝固着诡异和嗜血的氛围。
就在这时，枪声大作﹐由远及近。广场广播站召集学生进行最后的宣誓﹕“我起誓﹐我要用年轻的生命誓死保卫天安门﹐保卫共和国﹐头可断﹐血可流﹐人民广场不可丢﹗”决死的誓词一语成谶﹐把1989年6月4日这一天镌刻进了历史。伤口将永难弥合。
1989年6月4日北京时间凌晨1时15分﹐第一支军队从正南方向杀入广场﹐部队前锋通过前门十字路口﹐迎面正是严阵以待的学生与市民，他们手无寸铁，以血肉之躯组成保卫天安门广场的最后一道防线。军队没有丝毫犹豫﹐端枪就是一轮猛射。防线立即崩溃﹐只有不畏死的市民仍用汽水瓶回击﹐但已无法阻止他们前进。随着这支部队的开入﹐潜伏于人民大会堂和历史博物馆大批军人也纷纷出动。设在人民大会堂顶上的高功率广播自1时30分起反复播出最新《紧急通告》，北京人初次听到这骇人听闻的说词﹕“首都今晚发生了严重的反革命暴乱......”﹐只有小部份人听从《紧急通告》离开广场，另有更多被枪炮声惊动的市民赶到。在最危急的关头﹐北京的老百姓站到了最外围﹐用胸膛护卫舍生取义的年轻子弟。
不断有伤者被抬进广场救护站。不断有学生和市民跑来报告各个城区的惨烈战况。杀戮最惨重的是西长安街，从公主坟到木樨地，长街伏尸累累。崇文门、建国门、珠市口多个方向枪声连成片......一切无望的抵抗都停止了。各隘口败退下来的人群悲愤地向广场核心拢聚。那是最后的营地。这里的年轻志士从未进行过抵抗﹐他们只是静静地坐着﹐手挽着手﹐恍如雕塑群像一般。决死的心志超越了血腥和恐惧﹐超越了仇恨和罪孽。他们准备好了头颅和热血﹐去完成一场永载史册的大献祭。
凌晨4时正﹐广场上突然全部熄灯。
为了驱走黑灯后的恐怖﹐为了表达不屈的抗争﹐民众点燃了拆卸下来的废帐篷﹑破棉絮和垃圾堆。广场上腾起熠熠红光﹐如一堆堆巨大的篝火。受到火光的召唤﹐大批在外围观望的市民纷纷向纪念碑附近集结。他们或许有生的强烈欲望﹐却决不能坐视骨肉同胞去死。中国人骨髓里最精华的成份﹐瞬间转化为最美丽光辉的精神﹐在这个生死场蓦然辐射出来。
中国人。你为什么只能壮壮烈烈地去死﹐而不能壮壮烈烈地去生﹖
在这千钧一发的时刻，侯德健恳请学生和市民保存自己的生命，他说：“同学们﹐让我们最后做一件民主的事情吧：就是否和平撤离广场作一次表决。”首先站出来支持撤退的是抵抗军队最勇敢的“工自联”代表。在以“同意”或“不同意”的喊声作出表决后，学生开始向广场东南边撤退。
4时30分﹐广场灯光大亮﹐成串红色的信号弹划过夜空。大批装甲车和坦克震耳欲聋地驶入广场。四面八方的士兵平端着冲锋枪踏着帐篷的残骸推进。一些学生尚未撤离纪念碑﹐成群穿迷彩服的突击队已蜂拥冲上来﹐用枪恐吓殴打学生。
这时，广场上一片狼藉﹐火光熊熊﹐坦克车隆隆行进﹐沉重地辗压着。一切都结束了。然而，屠杀并没有结束。撤退的学生队伍在六部口遭到坦克的追辗，现场血肉模糊，惨绝人寰。下午3时﹐惨白灼热的天空陡地阴暗下来﹐眨眼间风驰云走﹐飞泪顿作倾盆雨。北京哭了。
血路和火海之上﹐化为飞灰的只是人类的一个并不新鲜的﹑平平常常的理想。她在中国已经喊了一百年，先后招致了大刀﹑绞索﹑高压水龙﹑枪杆子和劳改营的镇压。最后是大炮﹑坦克﹑装甲车。她的敌人越来越残忍了﹐而她自己却仍然是个梦。
6月5日﹐枪声不绝。
6月6日﹐枪声不绝。
6月7日﹐枪声不绝。
6月8日﹐枪声渐落。
这场大屠杀究竟有多少人死于非命？六四第二天，中国红十字会回答外国传媒询问时，提供了２６００人死亡的数字，但三天后中国政府提出了自己钦定的数字，只有３００人死亡。准确的数字从此被锁进历史的黑箱，成了永远的悬疑。
六月九日晚上七时正，全世界的卫星通讯网都同步转播了邓小平亮相并发表讲话的电视新闻。
于是全世界都屏息听取这位东方强人的现身说法。这是一种典型价值体系的箴言，是一种独特思维方式最清楚不过的解释--邓小平斩钉截铁地给这起划时代大事件“定性”，指出这是两个不同主义你死我活的严重斗争。世人再一次被明白无误地告知：在中国共产党的统治下，不同的信仰不可能有生存空间。所有理想的冲突，必须用流血来解决。
接下来，邓小平提议党政军头脑们集体起立，为冲突中死去的解放军指战员、武警、公安干警默哀一分钟。仪式之后，邓小平竟没有对百倍于军人的死伤学生和平民有任何表示。
更残酷的精神暴虐还在后头，当局一连开出三榜通缉名单，分别通缉“工自联”、２１名学生领袖和７名知识分子。不在通缉名单上却又在大搜捕中被抓进监狱的“动乱分子”、“反革命暴徒”不计其数，从北京到外地，监狱一时间人满为患。举国上下，弥散着一派肃杀气氛。
就这样，一个新纪元尚未开始就结束了。中共始终无法回避而又理屈词穷。唯一的办法就是象清洗十里长街的斑斑血迹一样，把中国人对六四刻骨铭心的记忆统统清洗掉。
人民沉默了。他们在高压的恐惧下陷入了深深的思索。八九民运给世界贡献了什么？给中国留下了什么？
鲜血、白骨和冤魂昭告历史，极权制度拥有与生俱来的残暴和深入骨髓的冷酷，中国共产党正是集大成者，它永远不肯把自己垄断的公共权力让出来与人民分享，他们自己已经不相信共产主义的神话，但却用暴力与谎言劫持着整个国家，把中华民族拖向一条它自己也不知道方向和终点的危险道路，
八九民运告诉人们，中共党内开明改革派天生的怯懦和无能，他们无法逾越共产党自己设定的无情的游戏规则。
八九民运还告诉人们，知识分子所表现出来的良知、道义和担当精神，依然象一盏冷风中摇曳的孤灯，微茫而孱弱。他们必须拿出更大的道德勇气，去面对未来中国的变局。
八九民运还告诉人们，学生所作为一个社会群体，他们通常是人民运动冲锋陷阵的前驱，却难以担当时代大变革的主力。
我们坚信长夜将尽，却不相信可以坐等黎明的到来。
拒绝遗忘，拒绝谎言，拒绝奴役、拒绝暴政。这就是献给中国人民的历史证言。
录音连接：
http://weijingsheng.org/interviews/interviews2009/WJSF64audio.mp3
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