Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A528-W305
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A528-W305
Release
Date: February 28, 2010
发布日：2010年2月28日
Topic:
The Way Out for China (Part I) -- Wei Jingsheng
标题：《中国的出路》之一 -- 魏京生
Original
Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
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The
Way Out for China, Part I
--
Wei Jingsheng
Recently,
the suppression and persecution by the Hu-Wen clique of the Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) has been getting stronger and stronger. From Tibet to XinJiang's Urumqi, the CCP chose suppression
against most of the rights defending efforts by the Chinese people. Its control to block the Internet and
media has not relaxed any, and it even employs more than one hundred thousand
agents to write and monitor the Internet.
All the time it deletes free speech and opinion that the CCP dislikes,
and it even uses rumor and attack methods in an effort to cleanse the free
speech propagated on the Internet, so as to forbid people to keep informed and
to discuss the social problems in China.
All these actions prove that the political train of thought of the
Hu-Wen clique is still the traditional way of thinking of the one party
dictatorship of the Chinese Communist Party, which is also a way to a dead end
and destruction.
The
reason that the Hu-Wen clique is so afraid of the freethinking of the people, is
because the clique is afraid of losing its power and influence. Meanwhile, it also reveals that the
Chinese people's thoughts are very active and that people are seeking for ways
out for China from different standpoints and different angles. Specifically, people have all realized
that the one-party dictatorship of the Chinese Communists will not last much
longer. It is not a problem for
the CCP to collapse per se, but this country and this society will continue and
people will have to live. Then we
have to think about how the CCP will collapse, as well as what is to happen
afterwards.
Not
only the poor people are thinking of that, the middle class and intellectuals
are thinking of that, and even the multi-billionaires and high officials are
thinking of that. For the poor
people who have a hard time to survive with nothing to lose, of course they are
anxious for change. The method
that fits these poor people is to overthrow the CCP as soon as possible. On the other hand, the petty
Bourgeoisie with some money and security in their lives are angry at the
reality, yet are not willing to give up what they already have. These people hope all levels of the
tyrants will disappear with the CCP altogether, yet they hope there will not
have any revolution. As soon as
the intellectuals hired by the CCP mention boxers and the Taiping Heavenly
Kingdom, these people will immediately get scared and stand alongside the
Communist regime and against any kind of revolution.
The
biggest capitalist class in China has the least percentage of the population,
yet is the group receiving the most benefit from this regime. However, some people within this class
have also realized the inevitable result that the CCP cannot carry on much
further. A group of men of letters
fed by these people are designing various schemes for the after-CCP era. There is a common element from the
scheme of the big capitalist class that is shared with the poor and petty
Bourgeoisie; that is democracy and human rights. So democracy and human rights are in the thoughts of most of
the Chinese people, except that the democracy advocated by the different
classes is somehow different in nature.
This is why the argument over the different kinds of democracy has been
getting more and more intensified over the last few years.
One
faction thinks that the democracy is something participated in by every person
of all classes, while another faction emphasizes a democracy ruled by the
elite. Generally speaking, the
people who have power, influence and degrees are more likely lean toward a
democracy by the elite class. The
reason is very simple; because they themselves are the elite. It is the human nature that people want
to control the power and influence in their own hands, or by their own
group. If it is not possible, the
circle could be expanded further.
But overall, the closer to themselves, the better. For the same reason, the poor people
who are far away from the power and influence, do not want the power be
controlled by the minority. So the
essence of a democratic politics is really a politics good to the poor, or at
the least a politics not to be too unfavored by the poor.
So
what is the elite democracy?
Looking at history we will know that the circle of elite will get
smaller and smaller until it becomes a dictatorship of Communism or
Fascism. We know very well how
backwards and reactionary these dictatorships are. In comparison, the village style democracy in the USA seems
not so elite, which can take in the opinions of every villager. Although it is not the most efficient
democracy, it has stronger vitality, which ultimately developed into prosperity
and forcefulness with its people living freely and happily. Even those tyrants who boast of their
own dictatorship send what they treasure -- their wives, children and wallets,
into the democratic countries such as the USA.
So
what is the difference between the democracy of the USA and the so-called
"democratic centralism" of the Communist Party? Analyzing from the names does not show
that much difference. As a matter
of fact, the USA system is not non-centralized. In the US Congress, there is sufficient democracy; however,
in the administration run by the US President, the power is more solidified
than that of the Communist Party.
Yet there is an obvious difference with the Communist system: this system of power concentration is
to carry out the will of a democratic Congress. The administration is an organ to execute the laws of
Congress, instead of its own will.
Thus this concentrated power is limited within a democratic framework
that shall not go against the will of democracy and shall not violate people's
rights.
In
principle, this is the design. But
in the complicated reality of facing human nature with shortcomings, how could
we reach the intended result of the design? Has the result of the current Western democracy reached the
ideal? To what degree has it not
reached the ideal?. We shall
discuss these questions later on.
To
hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's commentary, please visit:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2010/WeiJS100225ChinaWayOut1.mp3
(Written
and recorded on February 25, 2010.
Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)
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中文版
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A528-W305
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A528-W305
Release
Date: February 28, 2010
发布日：2010年2月28日
Topic:
The Way Out for China (Part I) -- Wei Jingsheng
标题：《中国的出路》之一 -- 魏京生
Original
Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2010/report2010-02/WeiJS100228ChinaWayOut1A528-W305.htm
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《中国的出路》之一
-- 魏京生
最近一段时间以来，中共胡温集团对社会各界的镇压和迫害越演越烈。从西藏和新疆乌鲁木齐事件以来，中共对内地民众的维权事件，更多采用镇压的方法。对网络媒体的封锁不但丝毫没有放松，听说还雇用了十多万的网络写手和监督人员。他们在随时删除自由言论的同时，由网络写手们使用造谣、围攻的手法，试图肃清在网络上传播的自由言论，禁止人们思考和讨论中国的社会问题。这些都说明胡温集团的政治思路仍然是共产党一党专政的传统思路，也就是一条死路。
胡温集团之所以惧怕人民的自由思考，是怕失去他们的权势。但同时，这也说明现在中国人的思想非常活跃，大家都在从不同的立场和角度寻找中国的出路。也就是说，大家都看到了中共的一党专政维持不了多久了。共产党垮了没关系，可这个国家、这个社会还得继续下去，大家也还得过日子。那就不得不思考共产党如何垮台；以及共产党垮了之后会是个什么样子。
不但穷人在想；中产知识分子在想；就连亿万富翁、高官显宦们也在想。无家无业难以生存的穷人自然会急于改变现状。符合他们想法的一些群众领袖的理论，是以最快的方式推翻中共。有家有业日子过得还算富裕的小资产阶级，对现实充满了愤怒；却也舍不得既得的一点利益。他们既希望大大小小的暴君们随着共产党一起消失；又希望革命不要发生。中共的御用文人只要一提起义和团、太平天国，就吓得这些小资产阶级者站在当局的一边，反对任何革命了。
占人口最少数的大资产阶级，虽然是这个政权的最大既得利益集团，但其中的明白人也看出了这个政权难以为继的必然结果。有一批被他们豢养的文人墨客，正在为他们设计后共产党时代的各种方案。即使是大资产阶级的方案，也和穷人、小资产阶级的方案有一个共同点，这就是民主和人权。看来民主和人权是绝大多数中国人的思考。只不过不同的人所鼓吹的民主，在本质上有所不同而已。所以最近几年有关不同民主的争吵越演越烈。
有一派认为，民主就是由全体人民参与的民主。另一派则强调民主社会应该是由精英们统治的民主。一般说来，有权、有势、有学位的人，大多赞成精英民主。道理很简单，因为他们自己就是精英。人的本性都希望权势握在自己的手中；或者握在自己这一伙人的手中。还不行，就把圈子再扩大一些。总之，离自己越近越好。同样的道理，那些离权势越远的穷人，就越不希望权势握在少数人的手里。因此，民主政治本质上就是对穷人有利的政治，至少不是太不利的政治。
所谓的精英民主是什么呢？看看历史就知道了：精英的圈子会越来越小，最后就是共产党和法西斯式的专政。其落后和反动的本质大家都非常清楚了。倒是美国土农民的这种看上去像是很不精英的；以每个村民的意见为基础的；效率不是最好的民主，有更强的生命力。其最终发展到富裕而又强大，而且人民的生活最自由、最幸福。连那些大大小小的暴君们，在赞扬了他们的专政之后。还是要把老婆、孩子和钱包这三件宝贝，安置在美国这样的民主国家。
那么，美国的民主和共产党的民主集中制有什么不同呢？光从名称上分析的确没什么大不同。美国的制度不是不集中。在议会里充分的民主；到了总统的行政体系里，权力比共产党还要集中。但是和共产党制度的一个明显的区别，就是这个集中的权力体系是在执行民主的议会的意志。行政当局没有自己的意志，它只是个执行机关。这样集中的权势就被约束在了服从民主的框框之内：不能违背民主的意志；不能侵犯人民的权利。
原则上讲，是上面这样的设计。但是在面对复杂多变的、天生就有缺陷的人性时，怎样才能达到设计的结果呢？以及现在西方民主的结果是不是达到了理想？在什么程度上没有达到理想呢？这些在以后的讨论中将会逐步展开。
聆听魏京生先生的相关录音，请访问：
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2010/WeiJS100225ChinaWayOut1.mp3
（撰写并录音于2010年2月25日。自由亚洲电台播出。）
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