Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A534-W309
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号: A534-W309
Release
Date: March 28, 2010
发布日:2010年3月28日
Topic:
The Way Out for China (Part III) -- Wei Jingsheng
标题: 《中国的出路》之三 -- 魏京生
Original
Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)
Note:
Please use "Simplified Chinese (GB2312)" encoding to view the Chinese
parts of this release. If this
mail does not display properly in your email program, please send your request
for special delivery to us or visit:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2010/report2010-03/WeiJS100328ChinaWayOut3A534-W309.htm which
contains identical information.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
The
Way Out for China, Part III
--
Wei Jingsheng
The
most important keys for a democratic politics are the opposition party and
opposition front. That means we
should have two or more political parties within the politics of a country. Meanwhile, we need a strong opposition
front formed by various political groups, with the ability to threaten the
position of the ruling party to the point where the ruling party could be
overturned at anytime. Only in
this way will the ruling party govern with great caution, in the way we the
Chinese describe as "walking on thin ice". Then, the ruling party will hesitate to violate the rights
and interests of the people. We
must keep in mind a precaution that these rulers may abuse their powers, as the
way to prevent the thieves. When
the rulers have too much power, with the not-so-perfect human nature, the
consequence would be the cruel exploration and suppression against the
people. The current China provides
the best evidence right now.
Many
friends have asked me this question before: if this system of one person, one
vote is in our constitution, which seems also to have been executed in the
past, how did the Chinese Communist Party seize people's rights that are
stipulated by the Chinese Constitution?
On the surface, it seems not to violate the principle of the minority
being subject to the majority, yet why is the reality that the majority obeys
the minority? Many friends
cannot make a sense of this; nor could I when I was young.
One
thing that happened during the Cultural Revolution period really puzzled me
after much pondering. However,
only after I read and thought for a while, especially after I got to know the
society by spending several years in the countryside, in the army and in the
factory, I gradually realized the big trick played by the Communist Party's
autocratic dictatorship that enabled it to get people's power by cheating. This trigger happened exactly 40 years
ago, when an ideological controversy about the theory of bloodlines resulted in
the execution of a young thinker of 27 years old.
His
name was Yu Luoke, a young Pekingese worker. Because his family background was not in favor to the
Chinese Communist Party, he could not attend any university. However, he was very erudite and hard
thinking, and in particular extremely brave. He said what many people thought of yet did not dare to say,
eventually using his own life to insist on what he believed.
Many
people know that when Mao Zedong initiated the Culture Revolution, he used a
small group of middle-school students who were very daring. Yet, an even smaller group of
middle-school age students were the nerviest and dared to challenge the
authority that was composed mostly by the children of the Communist cadres. To bolster and support this smaller
group of "red guards" who dared to challenge the official authority,
Mao and his people praised highly a slogan which states "the hero fathers
produce brave men; the anti-revolutionaries have bastard sons." This is the well-known "theory of
the bloodlines." That slogan
extremely encouraged that group of proud youth, which enabled them to burst the
bureaucratic system of the Communist Party. The result was a situation favorable to Mao to take back his
power from chaos.
To
prevent the newly formed bureaucratic system falling back to the older
bureaucrats, Mao's clique had to abandon the larger group of "red
guards" with its core leadership of the children of the Communist cadres,
and meanwhile try to foster the rising rebel faction which resented the
bureaucratic clique. This is the
social and political background of the theoretical dispute between those who
supported the "theory of bloodlines" and those who were against
it. Both sides took Mao's own
conflict sayings to support themselves and both sides had their own supporters and
social bases. For a while, they
stuck to their guns and caused a sensation over the whole country.
As
Mao's clique rapidly accomplished their goal to seize and firmly grasp the
power in various levels of the government, the dispute over the "theory of
bloodlines" evolved into a substantial transformation. The side that supported the
"theory of bloodlines" was effectively the social base for those who
attempted to restore the older bureaucratic system. So, regardless of which forms they took for their
activities, they received merciless strikes until they finally disappeared into
the tides of being "sent to the countryside" and "attending the
military". The rebel faction
that was against the "theory of the bloodlines" did not escape the
same kind of fate. Eventually,
they ended in the countryside and jails.
Only when all sorts of oppositions were eliminated, the system of
autocratic dictatorship sailed into its stable state.
After
all the opposition were suppressed and sent to jail, the Chinese Communist
Party gave a death sentence for the immediate execution to Yu Luoke, who was
the theorist of one party against "the theory of bloodlines" in the
dispute. Like many people then, I
was puzzled after much pondering.
The political goals had already been achieved and both sides of the
dispute were not significant. Why
did the Communist Party made a big show with a lot of noise to "kill the
chicken as a way of showing the monkeys"? It was noticeable that the Communist Party was not ready to
redress the other side either, as some of the other side were still in prison,
some also had a death sentence for the "crime of anti-revolutionary
behavior".
So
what was the reason that the Communist Party must execute Yu Luoke, the
representative of one side, especially that side that made more sense?
I
gradually realized the reality in China then, only after I spent several years
as a peasant, a soldier, and a worker.
I solved this puzzle after I understood the "class struggle
theory" of the Communist Party in their ways to fool the people, to divide
them up to rule. This ruling
method invented by Mao Zedong is just the opposite of a democratic system. A democratic system divides the
politicians into two or more factions and political parties, so their fighting
is a benefit to the people. In
comparison, Mao's ruling method was to divide the people into two or more
factions, to let their fighting result in a win and the benefit of the
Communist Party.
Thus,
I realized why the side that makes more sense could be even less tolerated by
Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai. Being
against "the theory of bloodlines" would touch the theoretical base
of the Communist rule. When people
are not enemies who would fight each other to their death, the minority
suppressors would be exposed in their true face as the enemy to the
people. This is the root reason
that Yu Luoke met his unfortunate end, as well as the greatness of him to be
the representative of the people.
In comparing him to the people who met their misery because they
provided their opinions to the Communists, there are fundamental differences.
To
hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's commentary, please visit:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2010/WeiJS100312ChinaWayOut3.mp3
(Written
and recorded on March 12, 2010.
Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)
-----------------------------------------------------------------
This
is a message from WeiJingSheng.org
The
Wei Jingsheng Foundation and the Overseas Chinese Democracy Coalition are
dedicated to the promotion of human rights and democratization in China. We appreciate your assistance and help
in any means. We pledge solidarity
to all who struggle for human rights and democratic governance on this
planet.
You
are welcome to use or distribute this release. However, please credit with this foundation and its website
at: www.weijingsheng.org
Although
we are unable to afford to pay royalty fees at this time, we are seeking your
contribution as well. You may send
your articles, comments and opinions to: HCP@weijingsheng.org. Please remember, only in text files,
not in attachments.
For
website issues and suggestions, you may contact our professional staff and web
master at: webmaster@Weijingsheng.org
To
find out more about us, please also visit our websites at:
www.WeiJingSheng.org
and www.ChinaLaborUnion.org
for
news and information for Overseas Chinese Democracy Coalition and human rights
and democracy movement as whole, especially our Chinese Labor Union Base.
You
may contact Ciping Huang at: HCP@Weijingsheng.org or
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation office at: 1-202-543-1538 Fax: 1-202-543-1539
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation's postal address is:
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation, P. O. Box 15449, Washington, DC 20003, USA
You
are receiving this message because you had previous shown your interest in
learning more about Mr. Wei Jingsheng and the Chinese Democratic Movement. To be removed from the list, simply
reply this message and use "unsubscribe" as the Subject. Please allow us a few days to process
your request.
*****************************************************************
中文版
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A534-W309
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号: A534-W309
Release
Date: March 28, 2010
发布日:2010年3月28日
Topic:
The Way Out for China (Part III) -- Wei Jingsheng
标题: 《中国的出路》之三 -- 魏京生
Original
Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)
如有中文乱码问题,请与我们联系或访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2010/report2010-03/WeiJS100328ChinaWayOut3A534-W309.htm
-----------------------------------------------------------------
《中国的出路》之三
-- 魏京生
民主政治的关键,是反对党和反对派。也就是在整个国家的政治中,一定要有两个以上的政党,并且和各种政治团体结成强有力的反对派。这样才可以随时威胁到执政党的地位,使得执政党随时有可能被推翻。进而迫使执政党不得不小心翼翼,如履薄冰地执政,不敢随意侵犯老百姓的权利和利益。因为执政者手里的权力太大;人的本性又不可能完美无缺,如果不像防贼一样的防止当权者滥用权力,老百姓肯定会遭到残酷的剥削和压迫。现在的中国,就是最好的证据。
很多朋友都向我提出过一个疑问:既然一人一票定期选举的制度被写进了宪法;而且也一直在执行,共产党是怎样篡夺了宪法规定属于人民的权力呢?共产党似乎没有违背少数服从多数的原则;可为什么现实却是多数服从了少数呢?想不通。很多朋友想不通这个道理;我年轻的时候也想不通这个戏法是怎么变出来的。
文革中发生的一件事,使我百思不得其解。经过几年的读书思考,特别是经过几年在农村,军队中和工厂单位中对社会的了解,渐渐地使我看透了专制独裁使用什么手法变了个大戏法,把人民手中的权力骗到了手。这个故事就是整整四十年前,为
了一场有关血统论的思想争论,枪毙了一位年仅27岁的年轻的思想者。
他的名字叫遇罗克,是一位年轻的北京工人。因为家庭出身不好,不能上大学。但他知识渊博,勤于思考,最重要的是非常勇敢。他敢于说出当时很多人想说却又不敢说的想法,而且敢用自己的生命坚持自己的说法。
很多朋友都知道,毛泽东发动文化大革命,利用的是一小批胆子最大的中学生。而这批中学生中胆子最大,敢于向官方挑战的,是更小的一批以干部子弟为核心的小团体。为了给这一小批敢于向官方挑战的红卫兵撑腰打气。毛泽东和他周围的人极力推崇了一个口号,叫做“老子英雄儿好汉,老子反动儿混蛋”。这就是当时著名的血统论。这个口号极大地鼓舞了这批骄傲的年轻人,冲垮了共产党的官僚体系,形成了有利于毛泽东乱中夺权的局面。
然而,为了避免新的官僚体系仍然掌握在旧官僚的手里,毛泽东集团必须抛弃以干部子弟为核心的红卫兵,而把仇视官僚集团的后起的造反派培植起来。这就是当时血统论和反血统论的理论争执的社会政治背景。双方都以毛泽东的自相矛盾的说法为根据;也都各有自己的支持者和社会基础。一时间争执不下,轰动全国。
随着毛泽东集团迅速地完成了夺权计划,牢牢地掌握了各级政权,有关血统论的争论产生了本质的变化。坚持血统论的一方实质上成为企图复辟的旧官僚体系的社会基础。无论他们以什么方式展开活动,都遭到毫不留情的打击,直至彻底消失在上山下乡和参军入伍的潮流中。反血统论的造反派也没有逃脱完全相同的命运,农村和监狱是他们最终的归宿。只有在各种反对派都被消灭之后,独裁专制的体系才会进入到稳定的状态。
在所有的反对派都被压制下去或关进监狱之后。中共却把争执双方中一方的理论家遇罗克判了死刑并立即执行。我和当时的很多人一样感到大惑不解:政治目的已经达到了;争论的双方已经都没有什么意义了,为什么还要大张旗鼓、大肆宣传把争执的一方拿来杀鸡吓猴呢?而且明显不是为另一方平反。另一方的一些人当时还关在监狱中,也是以反革命的名义被判处死刑。
那么有什么理由需要把另一方的代表处死呢?况且,反血统论的一方明显更有道理。
后来在上山下乡、参军入伍和回城当工人的几年中,我渐渐地了解了当时中国的现实。懂得了共产党愚弄人民、分而治之的阶级斗争理论后,我才想通了这个问题。毛泽东发明的这套统治方法,和民主制度相反。民主制是把所有政治家分成两个以上的派别和政党,让他们鹬蚌相争,人民渔翁得利。毛泽东的统治术,却是把人民分成两个以上的派别,让人民之间打得你死我活,共产党就渔翁得利,稳操胜券了。
想到这儿,我也就明白了为什么明显有道理的一方,反而更不能被毛泽东、周恩来容忍。因为反血统论就是触动了共产党统治的理论根据。不能让人民之间成为你死我活的敌人,少数压迫者就会暴露他们是人民公敌的真面目。这就是遇罗克遭遇不幸的根本原因,也是他作为人民代言人的伟大之处。他和那些因为给共产党提意见而遭遇不幸的人,有本质的区别。
聆听魏京生先生的相关录音,请访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2010/WeiJS100312ChinaWayOut3.mp3
(撰写并录音于2010年3月12日。自由亚洲电台播出。)
-----------------------------------------------------------------
魏京生基金会及中国民主运动海外联席会议以推动中国的人权与民主为己任。
我们欢迎任何形式的帮助与贡献。我们愿与世界上为人权与民主而奋斗的人们一起努力。
我们希望您能够帮助我们散发我们的资料。但请标明出处与我们的网址:www.weijingsheng.org
欢迎投稿(暂无稿费)或批评建议,请寄信箱: HCP@WEIJINGSHENG.ORG
魏京生基金会通讯地址:
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation, P. O. Box 15449, Washington, DC 20003, USA
电话: 1-202-543-1538 传真:1-202-543-1539
魏京生基金会网址:WWW.weijingsheng.org
中国民主运动海外联席会议及中国团结工会的网址为:www.ChinaLaborUnion.org
阁下之所以收到本信,是因为阁下以前曾表示有兴趣了解魏京生先生和中国民主运动。
倘若阁下希望不再收到类似信息,请回复本信并用 unsubscribe 作为主题(Subject)。