Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A579-W347
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A579-W347
Release
Date: October 22, 2010
发布日：2010年10月22日
Topic:
The Good Guys Win One, &c. (by Jay Nordlinger of National Review)
标题：好人们得奖 -- 《国家回顾》诺德令格
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The
good guys win one, &c.
--
Impromptus by Jay Nordlinger of National Review
OCTOBER
14, 2010
Here
on this blessed website, I've gone on a bit about the Nobel Peace Prize - the
award this year to Liu Xiaobo. And I will have a piece in the forthcoming
NATIONAL REVIEW (available in digital form tomorrow, and available in the hoary
paper form shortly thereafter). But I'd like to devote a chunk of today's
column to the subject - and give you some comments from a couple of Liu's
fellow dissidents, with whom I've communicated.
Liu,
as you know, is in prison. He has been in prisons, and a "reeducation
through labor" camp, off and on for more than 20 years, since Tiananmen
Square took place. And he is the first Chinese dissident - indeed, the first
Chinese person - to win the Nobel Peace Prize. Chinese Communism has been in
power since 1949; many brave and heroic people have struggled against it. So
this prize was a long time in coming.
Soviet
Communism was in power for almost 75 years: 1917 to 1991. There were just two
Nobel Peace Prizes for those who struggled against this power (and there were
many, many such strugglers, plenty of whom sacrificed their lives). Andrei
Sakharov won in 1975. And Lech Walesa - a Pole, to be sure, but a contender
with Soviet Communism all the same - won in 1983. I talked to Walesa earlier
this year, and reported that conversation in NR. To see that article, go
http://nrd.nationalreview.com/article/?q=ZjQ0M2ZhYWMwMjU4OTA0Y2QwOTVkOWQzOWRmYTMyNDk
The
Nobel Committee honored the anti-apartheid movement in South Africa three
times: the first time in 1961, when the Nobel for 1960 went to Albert John
Lutuli. (In the past, the committee often waited a year, before conferring the
prize for a particular year.) The second time was in 1984, when Bishop Tutu
won. The last time was in 1993, at the glorious, longed-for end of apartheid.
Nelson Mandela and F. W. de Klerk won jointly.
Over
the decades, Chinese dissidents, democracy activists, and political prisoners
were frequently nominated. Often, they were "frontrunners," according
to speculation in the press. But they never won. It got to be kind of a joke.
The rumor would be that a Chinese dissident was in line for the prize. The
Chinese government would warn Norway, "You'd better not!" (The Nobel
Committee is independent from the Norwegian government, though appointed by the
parliament.) And somebody else would win - a non-Chinese.
(Did
I mention that the Nobel Committee is composed of five Norwegians? Did I
mention that the peace committee is a Norwegian committee, whereas the other
Nobel committees are Swedish? I guess not. Sorry about that.)
Wei
Jingsheng, the dissident and hero now in exile in the United States, was often
a frontrunner. And often an also-ran. Laureates, in their Nobel speeches, would
have to hail him, the way Oscar winners, clutching their precious statuettes,
hail their colleagues who lost out. In 1996, Bishop Belo of East Timor said,
"I think of China, and I pray for the well-being of Mr. Wei Jingsheng and
his colleagues, and hope that they will soon be liberated from their jail
cells." His co-laureate, José Ramos-Horta, complimented Wei as "one
of China's best children." Well, that was nice.
The
next year, the International Campaign to Ban Landmines, and its leader Jody
Williams, won. A man named Rae McGrath spoke for the ICBL. (Williams spoke
separately.) He said, "We would . . . like to take this opportunity to pay
tribute to a fellow nominee and champion of civil action, Wei Jingsheng, and
wish him well . . ." That was nice, too.
To
its credit, the Nobel Committee honored the Dalai Lama in 1989. Earlier that
year, the Chinese government had slaughtered peaceful protesters at Tiananmen
Square. The Nobel Committee chairman, in remarks to the press, said that the
1989 award should be taken not just as encouragement to the Dalai Lama and
Tibet; it should also be taken as encouragement to the Chinese democracy
movement. The Dalai Lama paid tribute to the Tiananmen dead in his Nobel
lecture.
(And
when Liu Xiaobo learned of his own Nobel prize, he said it "goes
first" to those Tiananmen dead.)
I
asked Wei Jingsheng, via e-mail, what he thought of the 2010 prize. He said
that it was of course good that the matter of Chinese human rights was brought
into the international spotlight. But Liu was a "moderate reformer":
the kind willing to work with the government, hopeful of working with the
government. The Nobel Committee could not stomach a different, less
"moderate" kind of dissident. And what did it tell us about the
Chinese government, said Wei, that even a moderate reformer could get eleven
years? That is the duration of Liu's current prison term: The clock started
ticking only last December.
Wei
recognizes that not everyone can win the Nobel Peace Prize. And it was good
that a Chinese, any Chinese, won. But he named several others who might well
have won, who deserve the honor, and glory, and help. (He excluded himself.) He
named Gao Zhisheng, Chen Guangcheng, Huang Qi, Hu Jia, the group called
Tiananmen Mothers, "and so on."
Let
me return to the Dalai Lama for a moment: He could not have won the Nobel prize
if he hadn't been a "moderate" - a moderate opponent of Beijing. Of
that I feel quite sure. The Nobel chairman in 1989 stressed the laureate's
"willingness to compromise." For example, the Dalai Lama did not
favor Tibetan independence, merely autonomy. And yet, the Chinese government
took the prize to him very badly. You know what a Chinese official in Oslo
said, when the 1989 prize was announced? "It is interference in China's
internal affairs. It has hurt the Chinese people's feelings."
As
I say in my NR piece, maybe the government handed out Kleenex.
In
2003, the Nobel Committee gave the peace prize to a moderate reformer in Iran,
Shirin Ebadi. She was indeed in Iran, not outside it. She was not an exile. And
she was a long way from "radical" dissidence. She insisted that
democracy was compatible, not just with Islam, but also with an "Islamic
republic." She wanted reform from within. She did not advocate the
overthrow of the regime. And she said all the right things about the United
States and Israel, the Great Satan and the Little Satan. At times, her rhetoric
is barely distinguishable from that of the regime. Iranian dissidents in exile
protested her Nobel prize on the streets of Oslo, as the ceremony was going on.
But:
Ebadi had done, and has done, brave and important things. She has stuck her
neck out. And, much to her sorrow, she is in exile now. Sometimes a
totalitarian dictatorship doesn't give you much choice, you know?
Let
me tell you a little something about governmental reaction: In 1975, when
Sakharov won, the Soviets were pretty ticked. They called him an
"anti-patriot," an "enemy of détente," and a
"laboratory rat of the West." They called him a "Judas for whom
the Nobel prize was thirty pieces of silver from the West." Isn't it
interesting that the Soviet authorities should have gone in for a Gospel
reference?
This
year, the Chinese government has said similar things: The award to Liu is an
"obscenity." The Nobel Peace Prize in general "has been reduced
to a political tool of Western interests." Etc., etc. All of these regimes
spout in the same fashion.
In
addition to Wei, I communicated, via e-mail, with Baiqiao Tang, another
dissident in exile, a man who has recently completed a memoir, to be published
soon. It's called My Two Chinas: The Memoir of a Chinese Counterrevolutionary.
His words to me were much like Wei's: "Regardless of which dissident gets
the prize, we should be happy." Now the world's attention is focused on
the Chinese democracy movement. And that movement should take advantage of this
"rare opportunity."
Tang
said, "We're facing a very powerful and crafty opponent," in the
Chinese government, "and we have a long and difficult walk ahead of us.
Think of this: We can't even rescue a Nobel Peace Prize winner from
prison." Given this fact, "how can we talk about solving the June 4
problem, the Falun Gong problem, the Tibet problem, the Uighur problem, and
many other human-rights problems?" (June 4 refers to Tiananmen Square.)
"So
we are still very far from success. Only when all political prisoners,
including Liu Xiaobo, Gao Zhisheng, Hu Jia, Chen Guangcheng, Tan Zuoren, Xie
Changfa, Liu Xianbin, Guo Quan, Wang Bingzhang, Xu Wanping, and Falun Gong
practitioners, Tibetan freedom fighters, Uighur freedom fighters, underground
Christians, the 'disappeared,' and many others are released - only then can we
say that human rights are being recognized in China."
By
the way, Sakharov, in his Nobel lecture - read by his wife, Elena Bonner -
named the names of about 100 political prisoners in the Soviet Union. Nothing
gives such men and women greater hope; nothing so discourages them as the
thought, or the fact, that they are forgotten.
Tang
added one more thing: "Now is the time to ask the international community
to condemn the Chinese government's human-rights abuses. Now is the time to
request the release of all prisoners - not only Liu Xiaobo - and a stop to
persecution. We should also use this chance to develop our democracy movement
and get more people involved, until we win for our democratic ideal."
I'm
afraid I'm going to repeat what I've said on this site before, and what I say
in my new magazine piece: In the long history of the Nobel Peace Prize - since
1901 - only four laureates have been unable to travel to Oslo to pick up the
prize. That is, only four have been prevented for political reasons. The first
was Carl von Ossietzky in 1936. (He was the laureate for 1935, named the
following year.) He was a political prisoner of the Nazis. This is beautiful:
Goering asked him to reject and renounce the prize. The prisoner told him to
stuff it.
The
second man prevented was Sakharov. The third was Walesa. And the fourth
laureate was Aung San Suu Kyi, the Burmese democracy heroine, who won the prize
in 1991. (She is under house arrest as we speak.)
So,
will the prisoner Liu be the fifth laureate prevented from picking up the
prize? It appears so. Will they let his wife go? She is under house arrest.
Ossietzky had no one to speak for him. Sakharov had the great Bonner (who was
out of the Soviet Union already, for medical treatment). Walesa had his wife,
Danuta. Aung San Suu Kyi had her husband and two sons.
And
I cherish what the 1975 Nobel chairman, Aase Lionaes, said at Sakharov's
ceremony. She said, "The Nobel Committee deeply deplores the fact that
Andrei Sakharov has been prevented from being present here today in person to
receive the peace prize. This is a fate he shares with the man who, forty years
ago in 1935, was awarded the peace prize. His name was Carl von
Ossietzky."
She
was a little off on a detail: Ossietzky's prize had come in 1936. But she hit
them dead between the eyes: She linked the Soviets' behavior with the Nazis'.
How about the current chairman, Thorbjorn Jagland? In December, at the ceremony
for Liu, will he link Beijing's behavior with that of the Soviet Union and the
Third Reich? That would be thrilling.
As
you well know, Cuban Communism has been in power one decade less than Chinese
Communism - that brutal, murderous gang took over in 1959. The Cubans are still
waiting for their first Nobel Peace Prize. Earlier this year, Armando
Valladares, the writer who spent 22 years in the Cuban gulag, told me, "We
would have won two or three Nobel prizes already," if the Cuban
dictatorship were right-wing instead of left-wing. I'm afraid that is so.
You
may wonder why I'm yakking about the prize. Well, I'm completing a book on the
subject - on the subject of the Nobel Peace Prize. It will be published by
Encounter (quite a while from now). I hope you like it. (If you read it, I
should say!) I find the subject terribly interesting. It gives us a survey of
the 20th century. It gives us a parade of personalities. And it invites us to
think about war and peace, freedom and oppression - some of the vital topics.
Original
article appeared at:
http://www.nationalreview.com/articles/249728/good-guys-win-one-c-jay-nordlinger?page=1
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中文版
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A579-W347
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A579-W347
Release
Date: October 22, 2010
发布日：2010年10月22日
Topic:
The Good Guys Win One, &c. (by Jay Nordlinger of National Review)
标题：好人们得奖 -- 《国家回顾》诺德令格
Original
Language Version: English (English at beginning, Chinese version at the end)
此号以英文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2010/report2010-10/NationalReview101022NordlingerJonNobelA579-W347.htm
-----------------------------------------------------------------
好人们得奖
-- 《国家回顾》(National
Review)资深编辑诺德令格(Jay Nordlinger)即兴文章
2010年10月14日
在这个得天独厚的网站，我想就今年诺贝尔和平奖颁发给刘晓波一事说两句。我将在《国家回顾》杂志上有专文论述（明天出电子版，之后会有印刷的文字）。但我想把今天的专栏主要贡献给这个主题，将我交流过的两个像刘晓波那样的异议人士的评论转告给你们。
众所周知，刘晓波正在坐牢。自从天安门事件发生以后的２０多年来，他曾多次坐牢或劳教。他的确是第一个中国的异议人士，并且是第一个中国人获得诺贝尔和平奖。自1949年中共掌握政权以来，中国有许多勇敢的仁人志士起来反抗，对于这个和平奖大家已期盼很久。
在苏联共产党从1917年到1991年的75年执政期间，有两个和平奖授予了反抗这个暴政的人（苏联有众多的反抗者，许多人为此献出了自己的生命）。萨哈罗夫获得1975年的诺贝尔和平奖，列赫·瓦文萨荣获1983年诺贝尔和平奖。虽然瓦文萨是波兰人，但他同样是反抗苏联共产主义的斗士。今年初我和瓦文萨有过一个交谈，并作了有关报道。这篇文章的连接是：
http://nrd.nationalreview.com/article/?q=ZjQ0M2ZhYWMwMjU4OTA0Y2QwOTVkOWQzOWRmYTMyNDk
诺贝尔奖委员会对南非反种族隔离的斗士颁布过三次奖：第一次是1961年，将1960年的诺贝尔奖颁发给艾伯特·约翰·卢图利（过去诺贝尔奖通常是迟后一年颁布）。第二次是1984年由图图主教荣获。第三次，是1993年，在结束了长期种族隔离的光荣时刻，弗雷德里克·戴克拉克与纳尔逊·曼德拉共同获得和平奖。
在过去的几十年中，中国的异议人士、民主斗士和政治犯都被多次提名获奖。通常，媒体的思辨将他们排在前面。但他们从未得奖。这成了一个笑话。传言是说一个中国异议人士是得奖的头选人物，中国政府便会警告挪威，“你最好别给他奖！”（诺贝尔委员会其实独立于由挪威政府，是由挪威议会任命的。）。因此，每次总是别人得奖——一个不是中国人的人。
（不知道我是否提到过，诺贝尔委员会只有五名挪威人？我是否指出过，和平奖委员会是挪威人，而其他诺贝尔委员会则是瑞典人？很抱歉我以前没有提及）。
目前在美国的异议人士和英雄魏京生经常就是排在前头的诺贝尔和平奖被提名人。而且，他被人们多次提到。那些诺贝尔奖的获奖人会在他们的致词中向魏京生致敬，就像奥斯卡获奖人抓着他们珍贵的小金人，向那些失去获奖机会的同仁致谢一样。在1996年获奖的东帝汶的贝罗主教(Biship Belo)就这么说：“我想到了中国，我为魏京生先生和他的同仁们祈祷，希望他们不久可以从监狱里被释放出来。”而和贝洛主教同时获奖的霍尔塔（José
Ramos-Horta），则称赞魏京生是“中国最优秀的子弟”。他们这么说很暖人心。
第二年，国际禁止地雷组织及其领导人娇迪·威廉姆斯（Jody Williams）获奖。国际禁止地雷组织的发言人麦克格拉丝（Rae McGrath）说（威廉姆斯是另外发言的）：“我们想借此机会向此次和平奖的候选人及公民行动的冠军魏京生先生表示敬意，希望他康健。”这么说，也十分良善。
值得称道的是，1989年的诺贝尔和平奖授予了达赖喇嘛。这一年的早些时期，中国政府屠杀了天安门广场的和平示威者。诺贝尔委员会主席在向新闻界发表讲话时说，1989年的颁奖不仅仅是对达赖喇嘛和西藏的一种鼓励，它也是对中国民主运动的一个鼓励。达赖喇嘛在他1989年的获奖词里向天安门的死难人士表达了致意。
（当刘晓波得知他的和平奖时，他说“这首先是给天安门六四亡灵的”。）
我通过电子邮件询问了魏京生，问他如何看待2010年的和平奖。他说，中国人权再次引起了全世界对中国的关注，这当然是好事。但刘晓波只是一个“温和的改良者”：愿意和政府合作，并希望能与政府合作。诺贝尔奖委员会不愿意接受一个不同的，不那么“温和”的异议人士。魏京生说，连温和的改良者都被判刑11年，这向我们说明了中国政府是什么样的政府呢？刘晓波现在的刑期是11年，从去年的12月算起。
魏京生认识到不是每个人都可以获得诺贝尔和平奖的。但这个奖给中国人，给任何一个中国人都是好事。不过他提及了其他几个该获奖的人，这些人值得尊敬、荣誉，和帮助（但他没有把自己放在这个名单里）。魏京生提及了高智晟、黄琦、胡佳，以及称作“天安门母亲”的群体，等等。
让我重新提及达赖喇嘛。他如果不是温和派，就不可能获得和平奖 -- 他是北京的温和反对者。我确认如此。诺贝尔奖委员会主席在1989年获奖仪式上强调了“愿意妥协”。比如，达赖喇嘛并不主张西藏独立，而仅仅主张自治。不过，中国政府仍然对达赖喇嘛获奖反映恶劣。大家还记得中国官员1989年在奥斯陆怎么说的？他说：“这是对中国内政的干涉。它伤害了中国人民的感情。”
如同我在我的《国家回顾》文中所说的，也许那个政府发放了擦眼泪的纸巾。
2003年，诺贝尔奖委员会将和平奖授予伊朗的温和改良派代表希尔琳·艾芭迪（Shirin
Ebadi）。她当时的确就在伊朗，不在国外。她没有被流放。而且她离激进的异议很远。她坚持认为民主必须相容，不仅与伊斯兰教相容，而且与“伊斯兰共和国”相容。她希望从内部改革。她并不呼吁推翻政局。就美国和以色列，她说了该说的：大撒旦和小撒旦。那个时期，她所说的话很难和政府的腔调有什么特别的区别。流亡的伊朗异议人士曾在给她颁奖的同时，在奥斯陆大街上抗议她的诺贝尔和平奖。
但实际上，艾芭迪已经做了勇敢而重要的事情。她把自己的脖子伸出来了。悲哀的是，她现在也流亡国外。你知道吗？有时候集权独裁并不给你多少选择。
我可以告诉大家一些有关国家对和平奖的反应：1975年，当萨哈罗夫获奖时，苏联很羞怒。他们把萨哈罗夫称为“叛国者”，“公认的敌人”，“西方的实验用老鼠”。他们说他是“为了西方的三十两银子-诺贝尔奖--而出卖耶稣的犹大”。这是不是很有意思？苏联当局应该算作福音中的一条。
今年，中国政府也有类似的反应，声称授奖于刘晓波是“肮脏行径”，诺贝尔和平奖已经“沦为西方利益的政治工具”，等等。这些政权的反应如出一辙。
除了和魏京生通过电子邮件交谈，我还和另一位逃亡的异议人士唐柏桥交谈过。他最近刚写完回忆录，即将出版。这本回忆录的书名是《我的两个中国：一个反革命分子的回忆》。他对我说的话和魏所说的很相似：“不管这个奖给哪个中国人，我们都应当高兴”。现在全世界都关注中国的民主运动。民主运动应该好好利用这个“难得的时机”。
唐说：“我们面对的是强大而狡猾的对手”（指中国政府），“我们还有很长的艰难道路要走。想想吧，我们甚至不能够解救诺贝尔和平奖的获得者。”根据这个事实，“我们怎么能谈六四平反，法轮功问题，以及西藏问题，维吾尔问题，以及其它许多人权问题？”（六四指的是天安门事件）。
“因此我们离胜利还很远。只有所有的政治犯，包括刘晓波，高智晟、胡佳、陈光诚、谭作人、谢长发、刘贤斌、郭泉、王炳章、许万平以及法轮功学员、西藏自由战士、新疆自由战士、地下基督徒、以及各种‘消失了的人’、及其他人都被释放，直到这个时候，我们才能说人权在中国被承认了。”
对了，萨哈罗夫在他由妻子艾蓮娜·波奈（Elena Bonner）代读的致奖词里，提及了大约100名被关押的苏联政治犯。这给了政治犯们极大的希望。如果他们遭到遗忘，那将是很沮丧的。
唐又说：“现在正是要求全球共同谴责中国践踏人权的时刻。现在正是要求释放所有政治犯的时机——不仅仅是刘晓波——要停止迫害。我们应该利用这个时机发展民主运动，让更多的人加入，直到我们获得民主理念的胜利。“
我不得不重复以前讲过，并在我要在杂志上发表的新文章中所表达的观点：在诺贝尔和平奖的多年历史里，从1901年以来，只有四个获奖人不能到奥斯陆来领奖。也就是说，只有四个人因政治原因受阻。第一个是1936年的卡尔·冯·奥西茨基（Carl
von Ossietzky），他是1935年获奖者。他当时是纳粹监狱里的政治犯。值得一提的是，戈林让他放弃并拒绝诺贝尔奖，这个囚犯却以含有性行为的脏话回击了他。
第二个不让领奖的是萨哈罗夫。第三个人是瓦文萨。第四个人是昂山素姬。她是缅甸民主的女英雄，获得1991年的和平奖。（此时，她正受到软禁。）
那么，刘晓波是否会成为第五个不得前往领奖的人？看来是的。中国政府是否会让他的妻子前往？她目前也被软禁。当年的奥西茨基根本找不到人代他讲话。萨哈罗夫有伟大的波奈（她当时因治病，已离开苏联）。瓦文萨有他的妻子达努塔去领奖。昂山素姬则有她的丈夫和两个儿子。
我很欣赏1975年诺贝尔奖主席Aase Lionaes在萨哈罗夫获奖仪式上的发言。她说：“诺贝尔奖委员会对萨哈罗夫今天不能亲自来领奖表示深切痛惜。他正和一个人分享同样的命运，这个人是40年前，即1935年授予的和平奖获得者，他的名字叫卡尔·冯·奥西茨基。”
其实她这个细节不太准确。卡尔·冯·奥西茨基的奖是1936年得的。不过她却击中了要害：她把苏联的表现和纳粹相提并论。那么今年的主席托尔比约恩·亚格兰（Thorbjorn Jagland）会怎么说呢？今年12月，在刘晓波的颁奖仪式上，亚格兰是否会把北京的行为和苏联以及第三帝国的行为相提并论呢？那会相当令人兴奋。
众所周知，古巴共产党只比中国共产党执政少了十年，这个很残忍、大量屠杀民众的帮伙在1959年夺取了政权。古巴人仍然期待着他们的第一个诺贝尔和平奖。今年早些时候，在古巴监狱度过22年的作家Armando
Valladares告诉我，如果古巴集权政府是右倾的而非左倾，“我们会已经赢得两三个诺贝尔奖”。我担心这的确是现实。
你们可能会奇怪我为什么在这里唠叨这个奖。我正在这个课题上完成一本书，一本关于诺贝尔和平奖的书。这本书将由Encounter出版，可能还要等一段时间。我希望读者们喜欢这本书（如果你去阅读，我相信你会喜欢）。我认为这个课题很有趣，它也是20世纪的一个综合调查，一个人物游览，它引发我们去思考战争与和平，自由与压迫，一些很要紧的话题。
原文来自：
http://www.nationalreview.com/articles/249728/good-guys-win-one-c-jay-nordlinger?page=1
（魏京生基金会译文。请注明出处。www.WeiJingSheng.org）
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