Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A630-W392
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号： A630-W392
Release
Date: May 21, 2011
发布日：2011年5月21日
Topic:
More about U.S.-China Human Rights Dialogue -- Wei Jingsheng
标题：再谈中美人权对话-- 魏京生
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Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
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More
about U.S.-China Human Rights Dialogue
--
Wei Jingsheng
After
the U.S.-China Human Rights Dialogue conducted by the United States Assistant
Secretary of State Posner of the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
concluded in a crestfallen manner, the Chinese human rights issue will be a key
topic raised again during the upcoming U.S.-China Strategic and Economic
Dialogue. This development shows
that the Obama administration is really beginning to treat this strategic
dialogue as a means to solve the major issues in the U.S.-China
relationship. In other words, it
is time to let this dialogue play its ought-to-be function.
Many
of our friends may not understand that this US strategic economic dialogue
itself do have an origin in China's human rights issues. More than ten years ago, the U.S.
Congress had a most intense historic debate when President Bill Clinton
proposed to stop the annual evaluation of the Chinese human rights condition
and give permanent "Most Favored Nation" (MFN) status to China, instead
of offering MFN annually depending on the Chinese human rights condition. Like changing the water instead of the
ingredients in the soup, they re-named this permanent MFN as "PNTR"
(Permanent Normal Trade Relations".
However,
granting permanent MFN was opposed by the majority of the American people. According to public opinion polls by
various media, about seventy percent of Americans opposed the resolution. Heated debate and lobbying in
U.S. Congress went on, with Clinton's White House and the majority of
Republicans on one side, and the Chinese democracy advocators, American unions,
and most democrats on the other side.
The two sides deadlocked.
It was commented by some U.S. media as America's most heated debate
regarding international issues since the Vietnam War.
In
an effort to pass the resolution in the US Congress giving China permanent MFN
status, Congressman Sander Levin proposed a compromise to establish a China
Commission regarding U.S.-China's strategy and economy, in particular to
monitor the human rights situation and rule of law in China. Rep. Levin proposed that after China
received PNTR, if the human rights situation deteriorated or was not improved,
this commission could make recommendations including terminating this trade
relation. With the help of this
compromise and a strong push by President Clinton, the U.S. House barely passed
House Resolution 4444 to give China permanent MFN status in May 2000.
From
the very beginning, different people had different interpretations of this
compromised resolution. To people
who are concerned about human rights in China, its authority should be even
stricter that the annual review of
human rights. However, politicians
and businessmen who were leaning toward the Chinese Communists used loopholes
and opportunities for manipulation to outweigh the annual evaluation of human
rights. With the active
cooperation of the Chinese Communist Party, they soon began to plan their U.S.
strategic and economic relationship.
This planning was on the same track of thought as that ineffective human
rights dialogue. When there is
such a dialogue, they show the American people supposed accountability without
the need to pay attention to substantive issues.
For
the past decade, they have been following exactly this track of thought letting
the U.S. government have an easy conscience ignoring Chinese human rights
problems, while the Chinese government can enjoy the peace of mind of greatly
reduced pressure from the international community. However, the premise was that the Chinese government had to
appear to be relatively open to certain human rights matters that the media was
paying attention to. This is like
the sneaky old wolf having to put on a sheepskin to make a certain degree of
camouflage. This is why in the
past decade some neutral non-governmental organizations and dissidents could
survive in China. According to the
strategy of the Chinese Communist Party, the existence of neutral individuals
and organizations that are not opposed to the Communist Party can greatly ease
the pressure of international public opinion and to protect the unequal trade
relations. Although there was some
trouble and discomfort, it was still more gain than pain. Thus, it was barely maintained for the
past decade.
However,
in the past decade, both countries have changed a lot, and both sides feel it
difficult to accept the wolf in sheep's clothing.
Due
to the unfair trade relation, the Chinese side gained a huge bargain. The rapidly developing economy has
formed a huge number of wealthy classes in China, and thus developed the luxury
and arrogance of the nouveau riche mentality. These people dominate China's ruling class, and have long
looked down on the relatively more frugal and more humane wealthy
American. Under the influence of
this state of mind, the Chinese Communist leaders are also becoming more and
more arrogant. They feel more and
more the detriment of this sheep's clothing to the image of their party-state,
which hinders their business of exploiting and oppressing the people, as well
as suppresses their extravagant mind.
Therefore, as Hu Jintao's term is about to expire so he could misbehave
and seized the opportunity to get rid of this nasty human rights issue.
The
situation in the United States is not same as a decade ago either. First of all, the prophecy from a
decade ago has come true, that the unfair trade relations have dragged the U.S.
economy to collapse. Although this
unfair U.S.-China trade relation made some businessmen wealthy, it made poor
Americans and some other businessmen much poorer. It was really a bad deal after the pros were eliminated by
cons. From this perspective, political
and economic relations between the two sides have to come to an
adjustment. As Americans become
concerned of the unfair treatment of the American businessmen in China, the
human rights problems are highlighted.
Since
Chinese citizens are not protected by the Chinese law, why should you Americans
take the law as a shield? Indeed,
in front of the law, everyone is equal.
When the Chinese people cannot get legal protection, you Americans
cannot either. When you American
businessmen helped the Communist Party defeat the United States Government,
there was no need for the Chinese Communist government to give you preferential
treatment; instead, now you can "enjoy" the same unlawful treatment
that Chinese people have. Looking
at that overbearing face the Chinese government showed to the high level U.S.
officials, we know that American businessmen have realized that they have
reached an end to selling the interest of their country for their own
interests, and thus already have started to adjust their relationship with the
Chinese government.
On
this big background, after remaining latent for years, the China commission
related to the US-China strategic and economic function, is gradually waking
up. After the failure of its
policy of only caring about the economy but not human rights in the past two
years, it is time for the Obama administration to consider the legal
functionality of this commission.
Before the United States Congress passes some trade sanction law which
will do harm for both sides, if the Congressional Commission on China could
utilize its full capacity then we could accomplish the purpose of sanctions for
the unfair trade by the Chinese government, as well as avoid the legal trouble
of the World Trade Organization (WTO).
Further,
the procedures of the WTO are extremely cumbersome and protracted compared to
the laws in the USA which are fast, easy, and effective. Moreover, Hu Jintao's actions against
human rights in the past several months are excellent excuses to carry out
American laws. If this Commission
could produce rapid economic benefits in the near future, it could be a great
help for next year's election.
After all, the economy and human rights are the two frontline issues for
voters. This is the background for
the Obama administration's sudden concern of human rights in China.
I
offer you this reference. Please
wait and see, to observe and to monitor the two governments to see which one is
more serious in this trial of strength.
To
hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's commentary, please visit:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2011/WeiJS110506onHRdialogue2.mp3
(Written
and recorded on May 6, 2011.
Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)
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中文版
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A630-W392
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号： A630-W392
Release
Date: May 21, 2011
发布日：2011年5月21日
Topic:
More about U.S.-China Human Rights Dialogue -- Wei Jingsheng
标题：再谈中美人权对话-- 魏京生
Original
Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2011/report2011-05/WeiJS110521onHRdialogue2A630-W392.htm
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再谈中美人权对话
-- 魏京生
在美国助理国务卿波斯纳的中美人权对话灰溜溜地收场之后，即将在美国华盛顿进行的中美战略及经济对话中，人权将被作为重点话题而再次提出。这说明奥巴马政府真正开始把这个战略对话当作解决中美关系中的重大问题的手段。换句话说，就是真正开始发挥这个对话应该具有的功能了。
很多朋友可能不太清楚，这个美中战略与经济对话本身，就是起源于中国人权事务。十多年前，美国国会有过一场历史上最激烈的大辩论。克林顿总统提出了取消每年对中国人权状况的评议，不再以每年一度的人权评议为标准给与中国一年一度的最惠国待遇，而是给与中国永久性的最惠国待遇。永久的“最优惠国待遇”被换汤不换药地改名为“永久正常贸易关系”。
然而，这个议案遭到了大部分美国人民的反对。据各家媒体的民意测验，百分之七十左右的美国人反对这个提案。然而，以民主党的白宫和共和党的议会党团为一方；以中国民运人士和美国工会以及民主党的议会党团为另一方，却展开了激烈的辩论和国会游说活动。双方僵持不下，被美国媒体评论为自越战以来美国人因为国际问题而进行的最激烈的一场争论。
无法通过给与中国永久性最惠国待遇的提案，白宫就接受了民主党人莱文提出的折中议案。他们通过的这项法案包括有，由国会建立一个有关美中战略和经济的中国委员会，特别负责监督中国的人权与法治状况。在中国得到永久的最惠国待遇之后，如果人权状况恶化或者没有进一步的改善，该委员会可以提出建议甚至停止执行这个待遇。2000年5月，在这个折中议案的帮助下，克林顿总统勉强通过了给与中国永久最惠国待遇的第4444号法案。
从一开始，各类人物对这个折中法案的理解就各不相同。在关注人权的人们看来，它的权限甚至比每年一度的人权审议更加严厉。然而，在倾向于帮助中共的商人和政客们看来，这里边可钻的空子和可操控的机会大于每年一度的人权审议。在中共的积极配合下，他们很快就开始策划起美中的战略经济交流。这和人权对话是同样的思路，只要对话了，就可以向美国老百姓交待了，实质性的问题也就没必要关心了。
十年来，他们正是按照这个思路，使得美国政府可以心安理得地忽视中国的人权问题，而中国政府则可以心安理得地享受大大减轻的国际社会压力。但这前提是中国不得不在媒体关注到的人权事务上表现得比较开放，就像老狼不得不披上一张羊皮一样，总得做一定程度上的伪装。这就是为什么十年来，中国的一些中性的非政府组织和异议人士可以在中国生存的原因。按照中国共产党的策略，这些不反对共产党的中性人物和团体的存在，可以大大缓和国际舆论的压力，保障不平等的贸易关系。这虽然有一些麻烦，看着不舒服。可还是利大于弊，也就这样勉勉强强地维持下来了。
可是，十年来双方的情况发生了巨大的变化，双方都觉得披着羊皮的老狼已经让人不太容易接受了。
中国方面因为不公平的贸易关系占了大便宜。经济的飞速发展，已经形成了一个人数巨大的富裕阶级，也因此养成了暴发户的骄奢淫逸和嚣张的心态。他们主导着中国的统治阶级，也早已看不起相对节俭和人性化的美国富翁。在这种心态影响下的中国领导人们也表现得越来越嚣张。越来越觉得身上的这张羊皮有损党国的形象，甚至影响了他们剥削压迫老百姓的生意，也压抑了他们骄奢淫逸的心态。所以，在胡锦涛任期将满，可以胡作非为的时候，就抓住时机好解决掉这个讨厌的人权问题。
美国方面的情况也今非昔比。首先是十年前的预言应验了，不公平的贸易关系拖垮了美国的经济。虽然这个不公平贸易关系富了一批资本家。但还是穷了美国老百姓和另一批资本家。利弊相抵还是很不划算。从这个角度出发，双方的政治经济关系必须得来一个调整了。当他们关注到美国商人在中国受到的不公平待遇的时候，人权问题就突出地显示出来了。
连中国公民都得不到中国法律的保护，你美国人凭什么就可以拿法律作为挡箭牌呢？法律面前确实人人平等，这是个规律。中国人得不到的法律保障，你美国人也一样得不到。你们美国商人帮助共产党打败了美国政府，中国政府也就没必要再给你们超国民的优惠待遇了，你们现在只能享受中国人民一样的非法待遇了。看看中国政府对美国高级官员的霸道嘴脸，就知道美国商人卖国取利已经卖到了头，可能早就开始调整他们和中国政府的关系了。
在这个大背景之下，有关美中战略经济的中国委员会的功能，在潜伏了多年之后，正在逐渐苏醒。奥巴马政府在前两年只谈经济不谈人权的政策无效之后，也正要考虑发挥这个委员会的法律功能。在美国国会通过两败俱伤的贸易制裁法律之前，如果这个委员会的功能得以充分发挥的话，可以达到既制裁了中国的不公平贸易，又避免了世界贸易组织（WTO）的法律麻烦。
而且WTO的程序极为繁琐，旷日持久，不如美国自己的法律执行起来快速、便捷，且有效。更何况胡锦涛最近几个月来的倒行逆施，给了执行美国法律的极好的借口。如果能在近期内产生快速的经济效益，对明年的竞选将是个极大的帮助。毕竟，经济和人权，是美国选民关注的前两位问题。这就是奥巴马政府突然非常关注中国人权的大背景。
我提供这些给大家作为参考。也请大家拭目以待，观察和监督两国政府，看看谁在这场较力中最认真。
聆听魏京生先生的相关录音，请访问：
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2011/WeiJS110506onHRdialogue2.mp3
（撰写并录音于5月6日。自由亚洲电台播出。）
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