Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A827-W527
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号： A827-W527
Release
Date: July 6, 2014
发布日：2014年7月6日
Topic:
People in Hong Kong Want Democracy -- Wei Jingsheng
标题：香港人民要民主 -- 魏京生
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Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
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People
in Hong Kong Want Democracy
--
Wei Jingsheng
The
democracy movement in Hong Kong continues in full swing. Nearly 800,000 people participated in
the online poll conducted more than a week ago, demanding that the Chinese
Communist regime allow a true general election in Hong Kong according to the
Basic Law that the Communist regime defined itself. As he people said, the people in Hong Kong should elect the
government of Hong Kong. They do
not want the Communist government sending them another chief executive.
July
1 this year was the 17th anniversary of the transfer of sovereignty of Hong
Kong to the People's Republic of China.
On this day, there were more than 500,000 people who took to the streets
with the same goals as the online poll in the previous ten days: to retain the
existing freedom and human rights in Hong Kong. In the past seventeen years, there has been a huge loss of
freedom and human rights in Hong Kong, so people can only put their hope in the
2017 general elections. Therefore, the goals of the poll and demonstrations
have been focused on this general election.
In
comparison to 17 years ago, when Hong Kong was handed over to China by the
government of the United Kingdom, or using a popular phrase "returned to
China", the "return" was also cheered by hundreds of thousands
of local people while the whole Mainland China was cheering. Further back, the calls by people in
Hong Kong protesting the British rule and asking that the governing power be
returned to China were rampant.
Why now is it reversed?
I
remember back then some people in Hong Kong had some sense of superiority. They felt that they were under the
protection of Her Majesty in England; they enjoyed freedom and human rights;
they also enjoyed the favorable economy.
In comparison to people of the Mainland, they did appear to be superior,
in some ways similar to how foreigners in China are treated as more superior by
the Chinese Communists and even some Chinese. Their self-sense was pretty good.
Generally
speaking, people who have good lives do not care as much about the suffering
around them. The suffering of
people in the Mainland China was irrelevant to people in Hong Kong. To the most it was a topic of talk at
the end of meals and teatime, a gossip about a far and away place. I remember shortly after that, there
was a high official in the British Hong Kong Government who asked me with a
stranger tune: why don't people in Hong Kong care about the tyranny of the
Communist Party being extended to Hong Kong? That tyranny was right next to these people -- yet when
these officials were negotiating with the Communist regime, they did not hear
the voices from the people of Hong Kong.
With
this deception, the people in Hong Kong were ushered into this transfer of
power. Even so, when the disaster
was approaching many people felt fear and emigrated overseas to escape tyranny
that may come. That would not be a
good thing for the Communist regime and did not meet its goal for taking over
Hong Kong. Under the pressure of
emigration, the Communist regime chose the strategy of boiling frogs from the
warm water. It temporarily kept
its promise to retain most freedom and human rights in Hong Kong.
At
that time, the economic development of Hong Kong was still very important to
the Chinese Communist regime. The
Communist regime took a strategy of temporarily forbearance to Hong Kong's
support of the democratic movement in China in 1989, while waiting to settle
scores later on. These strategies
created a false impression in the people of Hong Kong that the Chinese Communists
would really keep their promises.
The Hong Kong people who were used to dealing with a British Hong Kong
government that was relatively better at keeping its promises, were mistaken
that the Communist regime in China would also keep its promises. They did not know that the Communist
regime would only keep its promises according to its own interest, rather than
the normal understanding of "promise".
Now
China's economy has developed and its foreign trade is no longer in need of
Hong Kong. So the Communist regime
is getting increasingly intolerant of that little freedom and human rights
protection that people in Hong Kong enjoy. Thus, the temperature of the water that is boiling the frogs
is rising, which has made the Hong Kong people's feelings more and more
unbearable. As for the promises
that were already made, they might be open to interpretation. As long as the Communist regime holds
the power of interpretation, it will make itself the champion of blatantly “calling
the deer as horse". To the
Communist regime, the norm of human conduct is "not to interfere in
internal affairs".
Now,
for the people of Hong Kong, the most important thing is how to make the
Communist regime keep its promises.
Under what circumstances would that regime keep its promises? That would be of interest. Only if the non-compliance of
promises would result in losses or
even become dangerous to the Communist regime would it be compelled to keep its
promises. If it will not have any
loss due to the violation of its promises, why should it be bothered?
We
should have noticed that the Communist regime has repeated its threats of
cracking down before the rising up of people in Hong Kong this time. The Chinese military was stationed in
Hong Kong. And it was said that
the high officials of the Chinese police had come to Hong Kong. These news items were deliberately
spread in an effort to achieve the effect of intimidation. They clearly implied the bloody
massacre 25 years ago in Beijing.
The Communist regime thought the people of Hong Kong are sissies, thus
its problem could be easily resolved by frightening them. But it is wrong. There are at least hundreds of
thousands of brave people in Hong Kong.
So
why didn't the Communist regime crackdown in Hong Kong? After that massacre 25 years ago in
Beijing, there are very few people who mistakenly think that the Communist
Party loves the people. Then why
didn't the Communist Party crack down this time? The first reason is that it is difficult to commit outrage
against a big group of people. The
Hong Kong people are united. It
would not meet the interests of the Communist regime for it to destroy Hong
Kong, although a democratic election in Hong Kong does not meet its interests
either. In choosing the lesser of two
evils, the Communist regime made a wise choice.
There
is a more important reason that I have noticed that no one has mentioned. It is because the full swing of
opposition in Mainland China has been close to or reaching a critical point. If a crackdown in Hong Kong sparked
violent revolt, it could become the detonating fuse for the uprising of all the
Chinese people. It is this
constant struggle against suppression by the Mainland people that formed a strong
support to the struggle against suppression by people in Hong Kong. Meanwhile, the opposition of the people
of Hong Kong is setting an example for people on Mainland China.
Of
course the Communist regime has seen this resonance effect. This resonance of convergent energy
could destroy iron and steel. So
the regime for sure will plan its next round to destroy the organizations of
the people. There is already news
that the Communist regime is practicing its strategy of "shooting the
horse before shooting the man it carries". It is collecting the information about the people's leaders,
in preparing to get its score.
When the people's leaders are destroyed, the people will be unable to
launch the next round of the fight.
This has always been the decades old method for the Communist regime to
suppress people's opposition.
The
road to fight for democracy and freedom is still very long. The goal cannot be achieved directly
after only one round. Yet,
leadership cannot be formed overnight.
When a resistance movement loses its leaders, it will be more difficult
to continue again and again.
Resistance will rapidly fail.
This is the lesson that we learn from countless failures from Chinese
history as well as the history of others.
It is also the experience allowing the tyrants to be successful.
So,
protecting its leaders will be the first condition for the people of Hong Kong
to win for sure.
To
hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's related commentary, please visit:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2014/WeiJS140702HongKong71.mp3
(Written
on July 1 and recorded on July 2, 2014.
Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)
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中文版
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A827-W527
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号： A827-W527
Release
Date: July 6, 2014
发布日：2014年7月6日
Topic:
People in Hong Kong Want Democracy -- Wei Jingsheng
标题：香港人民要民主 -- 魏京生
Original
Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）
如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2014/report2014-07/WeiJS140706HongKong71A827-W527.htm
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香港人民要民主
-- 魏京生
香港的民主运动正在如火如荼地进行着。有将近八十万人参加了前一个多星期进行的网上投票，要求按照中共自己制定的基本法，给香港人一个真正的普选。也就是老百姓说的那样，香港的政府应该由香港人自己选出来，不想再让中共给他们派一个特首。
七月一号是香港主权移交给中共十七周年。这一天有五十多万人上街游行，目标和前十天投票一样，要求保留香港现有的自由和人权。在十七年来自由和人权大量流失的情况下，人们只能寄希望于2017年的普选。所以投票和游行的目标就集中在普选上了。
对比一下十七年前政权从英国政府手里移交给中国的时候，也就是流行的说法香港回归的时候，
当时也是几十万人欢呼雀跃，内地也是举国欢腾。再往前一点，香港人民反对英国统治，要求政权回归中国的呼声甚嚣尘上。现在为什么反过来了，到底是怎么回事儿呢？
我记得当年的香港人多多少少都有一种优越感。觉得自己是在女王陛下的保护之下；享受着自由和人权；享受着经济的优越条件。在大陆人民面前的确显得高人一等，就像现在留学经商的外国人一样，被中共和一些中国人看得高人一等。他们的自我感觉很好。
一般来说日子过得很好的人就不太关心周围的苦难。大陆人民的苦难对他们来说就是事不关己，至多不过是茶余饭后的谈资，是遥远的八卦而已。记得当时的一位港英政府的高官事后很奇怪地问我：为什么香港人不关心共产党的暴政延伸到香港，那个暴政就在他们的旁边。当他们和中共谈判的时候，没有听到香港人民发出的声音。
香港人民就在这种朦朦懂懂之中迎来了政权的交接。当灾难即将来临的时候，很多人感到了恐惧，纷纷移民海外，躲避可能来临的暴政。对中共来说这也不是什么好事，不符合他们收回香港的目标。在移民潮的压力下，中共选择了温水煮青蛙的策略。中共暂时性地遵守诺言，给香港保留了大部分的自由和人权。
那个时候的香港对于中共发展经济仍然十分重要。对于八九年时支持大陆民主运动，中共也采取了暂时隐忍的策略，留待秋后算账。这就给香港人民造成了一个错觉，似乎中共真的会永远遵守诺言。而习惯于和比较遵守诺言的港英政府打交道的香港人，误以为中共也会遵守诺言。而不懂得中共遵守诺言是以其利益为标准的，不是正常人理解的诺言。
现在中国的经济发展了，外贸也不再需要香港了。中共就越来越不能容忍香港人民享受的那一点点自由和人权保障。于是，煮青蛙的水温就不断升高，香港人民的感受就越来越难以忍受。至于许下的诺言，可以随意解释。只要解释权在中共手里，指鹿为马那是中共的拿手好戏。对他们来说，人类通行的准则被称为是不得干涉内政。
现在对香港人民来说，最重要的是怎样才能使中共遵守诺言呢？换句话说，在什么情况下中共才会遵守诺言呢？这就是利益。只有在不遵守诺言就会吃亏甚至有危险的时候，中共才会被迫不得不遵守诺言。如果食言也不会损失什么，那何乐而不为呢？
大家也许注意到了，这次香港人民奋起反抗之前，中共也屡屡发出镇压的威胁。军队就驻在香港，据说警方的高官也来到了香港。而且故意把消息散布出来，希望达到恐吓的效果。这明显是是在暗示二十五年前的血腥屠杀。他们本以为香港人都是娘娘腔，吓唬一下就解决了。但是他们想错了。香港人民至少有几十万“好男儿”。
中共为什么没有动手呢？经过了二十五年前的屠杀之后，现在恐怕很少有人会误以为中共爱民如子吧。他们为什么没有动手呢？首先是众怒难犯。香港人民众志成城，毁掉香港不符合中共的利益，虽然香港民主选举也不符合中共的利益。两害相权取其轻，中共作了明智的选择。
还有一个更重要的原因，我没看到有人提起。这就是大陆人民的反抗如火如荼，已经接近或者说到达了临界点。如果在香港的镇压引发了剧烈的反抗，可能会成为引爆全中国人民抗暴的导火索。正是大陆人民不断的抗暴斗争，形成了对香港人民抗暴的有力支持。而香港人民的反抗，正在给大陆人民作出榜样。
中共不是看不到这种谐振的效果。这种谐振是摧毁钢铁结构的能量汇聚。他们一定会计划在下一个回合里破坏人民的组织。有消息指出，中共正在实行射人先射马的策略，收集人民领袖的资讯，以备秋后算账。一旦人民领袖被消灭了，人民就无法发动下一个回合的斗争。这是几十年来中共镇压人民反抗的惯用手法。
争取民主自由的道路还很长，不可能一个回合就直奔目标。而人民领袖不是一朝一夕就可以形成的。反抗运动如果失去了领袖，就不可能一而再、再而三地持续下去，就会迅速走向失败。这是古今中外无数失败留给我们的教训，也是暴君们成功的经验。
所以，保护好你们的领袖，是香港人民必胜的首要条件。
聆听魏京生先生的相关录音，请访问：
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2014/WeiJS140702HongKong71.mp3
（撰写于2014年7月1日。录音于2014年7月2日。自由亚洲电台播出。）
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