Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A842-W540

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A842-W540

Release Date: October 11, 2014

发布日：2014年10月11日

Topic: The Contemporary History of the Chinese Human Rights and Democracy Movement (Outlines of the First Exhibition of "Human Rights Without Borders" in the US Congress)

标题：魏京生基金会在美国国会主办的“人权无国界”首展--中国当代人权民主运动发展史《展览提纲》

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）

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Outlines of the First Exhibition of "Human Rights Without Borders" in the US Congress -- The Contemporary History of the Chinese Human Rights and Democracy Movement by the Wei Jingsheng Foundation

October 2014

Exhibition Introduction:

Sixty-five years ago, the Chinese Communist Party, using a democratic movement as bait, seized power in Mainland China with its military. On October 1, 1949, the Chinese Communist Party declared the establishment of "The People's Republic of China". Immediately after, the Communist regime began the process of eliminating political opponents and the "old classes". Gradually, it moved towards a one-party dictatorship, even a personal dictatorship of Mao Zedong. The concept of democracy was quietly changed. All elections from local offices up to the People's Congress are faked. The reality the Chinese people see is the one-party dictatorship. In the past 65 years, the Chinese Communist Party engaged 56 political campaigns and never stopped the persecution of political dissidents. But the Chinese people have never stopped resisting either. Especially in the last half-century, the human rights and democratic movement in China has been surging.

Display 1: In the 1950’s and early 1960’s, the Chinese people gradually realized the true nature of the Communist regime and started their resistance. During the Cultural Revolution period of the 1960's, the Chinese people woke up to the reality that the communist leadership was in conflict with the democratic concept. Even under the terror of the red Communist regime, there were still various forms of resistance activity all over China. They kept rolling like the clouds in a storm, despite each effort failing in the way of moths flying toward a flame. From the anti-Mao Zedong group of the "Joint Action Committee of the Red Guards from the Middle Schools in the Capital Region" to "The Theory of Lineage" by Yu Luoke, from the big character poster by Yang Xiaokai to the big poster by Li Yizhe, up until the April 5 Mass Movement in Tiananmen Square in 1976, the variety of slogans and actions that rebelled against the tyranny had never stopped.

Display 2: In the late 1970's, the Communist leadership was busy infighting for its leadership. This gap enabled the rising of the famous Xidan Democracy Wall movement that was joined with various non-Communist ideologies. Initially, it was ordinary people posting their petitions throughout the streets in accordance with Chinese tradition in Beijing. Then, there were posters of political discussions by young people with ideals, who clearly put forward the slogans to realize democracy, protect human rights, and abolish authoritarianism. The most sensational ones were "The Fifth Modernization -- Democracy" by Wei Jingsheng; and the "Declaration of Human Rights" by the Human Rights League. The more than 100 meter long wall in the Xidan district was the most concentrated area for these posters. Thus this movement was called "Xidan Democracy Wall", or "Democracy Wall Movement". The Democracy Wall Movement expanded rapidly throughout China and around the world, resulting in a large number of private publications and versions of the Democracy Wall elsewhere.

Display 3: In 1979, Deng Xiaoping decided to attack Vietnam for the purpose of establishing his own prestige. After that, the first thing he did was to destroy the Democracy Wall. He instinctively felt that the one-party dictatorship's doomsday would arrive once the seeds of democracy spread among the people. After he arrested Wei Jingsheng and the others, Deng Xiaoping cunningly moved the Democracy Wall to the sparsely populated Yuetang Park, required registration with real names, and guarded the area with police. Thus, Deng was able to destroy the Democracy Wall quickly, and effectively suppress the democracy movement on college campus that followed. But in the Communist Party and the people, he was unable to erase the democratic ideal of human rights and did not stop the people's revolt and resistance against tyranny.

Display 4: In the early and mid-1980s, a faction that supported and protected the democratic movement was growing within the Communist Party. Within the cultural and intellectual communities in China, there was also a powerful trend to denounce the Cultural Revolution. Under the support of Deng Xiaoping, the die-hards of the Communist party launched an anti-democratic and anti-human rights campaign named "cleansing of spiritual pollution." This campaign lead to the student movement in 1986. Originating in the University of Science and Technology of China (USTC), the students demanded democracy and freedom stressing that people have the right to nominate their own candidates. This initiative quickly spread throughout the country, resonating in 150 universities in 20 cities. However, the already retired Communist leader Deng Xiaoping conducted a strong repression and subsequently launched an "anti-liberalization campaign." In the beginning of 1987, USTC president Guan Weiyan and vice president Fang Lizhi were dismissed, and famous writers Wang Ruowang and Liu Binyan were officially criticized. The Secretary-General of the Communist Party Hu Yaobang was illegally dismissed due to his sympathy to the student movement.

Display 5: In early 1989, Professor Fang Lizhi and other cultural and intelligentsia celebrities in China jointly called for the release of Wei Jingsheng and other political prisoners. This call resulted in a fierce confrontation and quarrel with the Communist Party. It eventually culminated in the mysterious death of the former Party Secretary-General Hu Yaobang. It also promoted a strong dissatisfaction in the democratic faction of the Communist Party lead by then Party Secretary-General Zhao Ziyang. People who were strongly upset by the death of Hu Yaobang, represented by the students in Beijing, launched a massive street protest movement. This protest was the beginning of the famous 1989 democratic movement in China.

Display 6: The 1989 democracy movement in China began from slogans of anti-corruption and grew to slogans opposing tyranny and demanding democracy. It started from thousands of students taking to the streets and grew to millions of people demonstrating in Tiananmen Square and the streets of Beijing every day. The people who demonstrated included the general public, workers and peasants, as well as staff at various levels of Chinese Communist Party agencies and governments. They included almost all staff of these agencies and governments except the Central Committee of the Communist Party. The broad representation surpassed any demonstration in the history of China, as well as in foreign countries.

Display 7: The student movement in Beijing quickly spread to the rest of China. Many cities in China, big or medium sized, had demonstrations that were led by the students and participated in by people of all walks of life. They demanded anti-corruption. They called for democracy and human rights. They protested against the Communist die-hards who insisted on their one-party dictatorship. They protested against the attempt of the Communist Party to suppress the democracy movement. The central ministries of the Chinese government and media in China were also on the side of the people, faithfully reporting the movement and broadcasting live. This reporting provided the factual basis for the all the Chinese people to learn about the truth and to debunk rumors.

Display 8: Under strong pressure from the people and the media, Premier Li Peng, who represented Communist die-hards, felt compelled to negotiate with the student representatives. But such negotiations were just like typical negotiations that the Communist Party was used to -- their purpose was to gain time advantage using negotiation as a trick. While the negotiations went on, the die-hards mobilized military from all over the country in preparation for a massacre. Even though the Communist regime concealed the truth, many military servicemen resisted this conspiracy of massacre. General Xu Qinxiang was their representative, and was therefore sent to jail with a five-year sentence.

Display 9: When Zhao Ziyang, who represented the moderates within the Communist Party, washed his hands of responsibility it allowed Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng, who represented the diehards of the Party, to rule out resistance and begin their repression of the democracy movement. In the morning of June 4, 1989, hundreds of thousands of heavily armed soldiers and even tanks stormed Beijing. They launched a bloody massacre against people on the streets and in TianAnMen Square. Defenseless people mounted their heroic resistance with stones and petrol bottles. Beijing and other cities washed with rivers of blood. A vigorous democracy movement encountered a bloody crackdown.

Display 10: The June 4 bloody crackdown put people in all of China into a temporary silence. Shortly after, in 1992 a group who had lofty ideals secretly gathered and organized an opposition "Liberal and Democratic Party of China". Although they were immediately arrested and repressed, since then secret associations once again surged in China. In 1998, led by activists in Zhejiang Province, an opposition "Democratic Party of China" was organized and developed rapidly in many provinces. Although this movement too was suppressed, the seeds of opposition party organization spread across China. It also learned lessons from previous failures. Combined with the civil rights movement, it is now deeply rooted into the masses.

Display 11: In the early 1980s, with support from President of Republic of China, Chiang Ching-kuo, Dr. Wang Bingzhang took the lead to initiate an overseas Chinese democracy movement. They rallied overseas students and published articles promoting democracy and speaking against the authoritarian regime. They became a vital force from overseas in the native Chinese democracy movement, actively supporting and expressing solidarity during various democratic movements inside China. In 1990, overseas Chinese student leaders and pro-democracy activists tried to establish the first real party in opposition to the Communist Party in China. In the past 25 years since the bloody crackdown in China, people around the world have not forgotten the suffering of the Chinese people. Various organizations, including the Independent Federation of Chinese Students and Scholars (IFCSS), have held commemorations every year to mourn the victims of the June 4 massacre and to express solidarity and support for their Chinese fellows striving for democracy, freedom, human rights, and equality in China.

Display 12: Since 1998, the Overseas Chinese Democracy Coalition (OCDC) headed by Mr. Wei Jingsheng, has integrated the major Chinese pro-democracy organizations overseas, while adjusting the strategy of overseas democracy encouragement. Since then, the OCDC has made its priority the promoting of human rights and democracy in China as a concern for all democratic countries in the world, while it has made helping and providing guidance for rights and democracy movements inside China important goals. For more than one decade, despite the undermining of continuous Communist spy and sabotage activities, the OCDC has made a number of significant achievements. While maintaining the awareness of the cause of Chinese democracy and human rights among democratic nations, the OCDC has been maintaining pressure on the Chinese Communist Party by encouraging and being helpful to the domestic democratic movement inside of China and supporting the rule of law.

Related photos:

Chinese Human Rights and Democracy Movement History introduction displays:

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中文版

Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A842-W540

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A842-W540

Release Date: October 11, 2014

发布日：2014年10月11日

Topic: The Contemporary History of the Chinese Human Rights and Democracy Movement (Outlines of the First Exhibition of "Human Rights Without Borders" in the US Congress)

标题：魏京生基金会在美国国会主办的“人权无国界”首展--中国当代人权民主运动发展史《展览提纲》

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）

如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2014/report2014-10/HRWBexhibition141011detailsA842-W540.htm

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魏京生基金会在美国国会主办的“人权无国界”首展--中国当代人权民主运动发展史《展览提纲》

2014年10月

总说明词：中共以开展民主运动为诱饵，辅助军事手段夺取了大陆的政权。1949年10月1日，中共宣布“中华人民共和国”正式成立。随后就开始了消灭政敌，消灭旧阶级的过程。逐步走向了一党专政，以至于毛泽东的个人独裁。民主的概念被偷换了，从选举到人民代表大会都是假的。而一党专政和独裁却是人们看到的现实。65年来，中共搞了56场政治运动，从未停止过对政见异己者的迫害。但人民也从未停止过反抗。尤其是近半个世纪以来，更是风起云涌。

展板之一：早在五十年代和六十年代初期，中国人民就开始意识和领会到了中共的骗局，开始了形形色色的反抗活动。六十年代末叶的文革，使人们醒悟到民主的概念和中国的现实之间的背反。即使在红色恐怖下，全国各地以各种形式的反抗活动仍像飞蛾扑火风起云涌。从联动的反毛泽东，到遇罗克的出身论；从杨小凯的大字报，到李一哲的大字报；一直到七六年的天安门四五群众运动；反抗暴政的大大小小各种口号和行动，一直没有停息。

展板之二：七十年代末，在中共忙于内斗确定领导权的空挡中，在北京开始了各种非共产党意识形态联合的民主运动。著名的西单民主墙运动，开始的时候是普通百姓按照中国的传统，在北京的各处街道边张贴上访的大字报。随后有一些有理想的年轻人贴出议论政治的大字报，并且明确提出了实现民主、保障人权、取消专制的口号。其中最具轰动性的有魏京生的《第五个现代化-民主》和人权同盟的《人权宣言》。大字报最集中的地点是在西单的一堵一百多米长的墙，人们习惯地把这次运动命名为西单民主墙，或者民主墙运动。民主墙运动迅速扩展到全国各地以及世界各国，产生了大量民办刊物和民主墙。

展板之三：1979年，邓小平攻打越南树立了个人威信。之后，他做的第一件事就是消灭民主墙。他本能地感觉到，民主的种子一旦在人民群众中传播开来，就是一党独裁的厄运来临。在抓捕魏京生等人之后，他又狡猾地把民主墙迁往人烟稀少的月坛公园，并派警察看守，实行登记观看制度。因此很快就消灭了民主墙，并有效地压制了随之而来的校园民主运动。但是在党内和人民群众中，还保存有民主人权理想的人们并没有停止对暴政的反抗和抵制。

展板之四：八十年代初期和中期，在共产党内产生了支持和保护民主运动的派别。在文化界、知识界也产生了否定文革以至于否定共产党的强大思潮。中共的顽固派在邓小平的支持下，发动了反民主、反人权的所谓“清除精神污染运动”，引起了一九八六年的学潮。起源于中国科学技术大学的八六学潮要求民主自由，强调人们有权利提名自己的候选人，这一倡议迅速蔓延到全国各地，得到20城市150所学校串联响应。但已退休的邓小平对此进行了强力镇压并随之展开了“反自由化运动”。1987年初，同情学生并公开支持民主政改学运的中国科学技术大学校长管惟炎、副校长方励之被撤职，著名作家王若望、刘宾雁等人受到官方抨击，三人同时被开除出党，同情学运的中共总书记胡耀邦被非法罢免。

展板之五：1989年初，由于方励之教授等文化知识界名人联名呼吁释放魏京生等政治犯，在中共党内产生了激烈的矛盾和争吵，最终导致前总书记胡耀邦的离奇死亡，及时任总书记赵紫阳为首的党内民主派的强烈不满。以北京的学生为代表对胡耀邦的死亡强烈不满的民众，发动了大规模的街头抗议运动。这就是著名的八九民主运动的开始。

展板之六：一九八九年中国的民主运动，从开始的反腐败的口号，发展到反对专制、要民主的口号。从几千名学生上街游行，发展到每天上百万人在天安门广场和北京的各处街道上游行。游行的人从普通市民和工人农民，到中共各机关和政府各机关的职员。除了中共中央委员会之外，包括了中央办公厅和以下的几乎所有党政机关的人员。其广泛的代表性超过了中外历史上的任何一次游行。

展板之七：北京学运很快漫及全国。全国各大中城市都发生了由大中学校学生带头，各界人民参与的游行示威。他们要求反腐败，要求民主和人权。他们反对中共顽固派坚持一党专政的立场，反对中共镇压民主运动的企图。中央各部和各地的媒体也都站在人民的一边，忠实地报导运动的口号和现场实况。这为全国人民了解真相，揭穿谣言提供了事实依据。

展板之八：在人民和舆论的强大压力下，中共顽固派的代表李鹏等人不得不出面与学生代表谈判。但这种谈判和中共一贯的谈判一样，是假谈判、真拖延。在谈判的同时，中共顽固派从全国各地调兵遣将，为一场大屠杀做准备。虽然是对军人隐瞒了真相，但仍然有很多军人抵制了这场屠杀的阴谋。徐勤先将军是他们的代表，并为此被判处5年徒刑、进了监狱。

展板之九：在以赵紫阳为代表的党内温和派政治家放弃了责任的前提下，以邓小平、李鹏为代表的顽固派排除了阻力，对民主运动进行镇压。六月四日凌晨，十几万全副武装的军人甚至坦克冲进了北京，向聚集在街道上和天安门广场上的人民展开了血腥的屠杀。手无寸铁的人民，用石头和汽油瓶进行了英勇的抵抗。北京和各城市血流成河。一场轰轰烈烈的民主运动，遭到了血腥的镇压。

展板之十：血腥的镇压使全中国人民陷入了暂时的沉寂。不久之后的一九九二年，一群有志之士秘密地聚合起来，组织了反对党：自由民主党。虽随即遭到了逮捕和镇压，但从此全国各地的秘密结社再一次风起云涌。一九九八年以浙江为首的中国民主党组党活动，迅速在很多省份发展起来。虽然组党运动遭到了镇压，但秘密组党的种子在全国范围内蔓延开来，并接受了前期失败的教训，和维权运动相结合，深入到广大群众之中。

展板之十一：早在八十年代初期，在台湾的中华民国总统蒋经国先生的支持下，以王炳章博士为首开始了中国海外民主运动。他们在留学生中串联，出版宣传民主、反对专制的刊物；并在历次国内民主运动期间，积极支持和声援国内的民主运动，成为中国民主运动的一支生力军。1990年，支持八九民运的海外留学生骨干及民运人士试图建立第一个反对党，与中国共产党抗衡。六四镇压25年来，世界各地的人们没有忘记患难中的中国人民。包括全美学自联在内的组织每年都举办纪念会，以此悼念在六四屠杀中被害的人们，声援和支持同胞们争取在中国的民主、自由、人权和平等的权利。

展板之十二：自1998年以来，以魏京生先生为首的中国民主运动海外联席会议，整合了海外主要的民运组织，调整了海外民运的策略。联席会议以推动和影响各民主国家政府关注中国人权和民主为主要工作，帮助和指导国内维权和民主运动为重要目标。十几年来，在排除和抵制中共特务破坏活动的前提下，取得了若干重大成绩，保持了中国民主人权事业的影响力。联席会议维持了国际社会对中共的压力，对推动中国国内的法治与民主运动起到了鼓舞和帮助的作用。

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