Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A858-W551

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号： A858-W551

Release Date: January 18, 2015

发布日：2015年1月18日

Topic: A Summary for the Year of 2014 -- Wei Jingsheng

标题：2014年终总结 -- 魏京生

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）

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A Summary for the Year of 2014

-- Wei Jingsheng

The phrase "summary of the year" sounds old-fashioned, with a little antique flavor. In fact, it means well -- to make a total count of the year to see what was earned or lost. Then go back home for the New Year holidays. Then plan on how to work in the upcoming new year and even the next a few years in the future.

The year 2014 was not a good year for the ordinary people in China due to recession, inflation, unemployment, and increased prices in the markets. These ordinary peoples' lives were like water going down to lower levels, becoming more and more difficult. The hard time was not just limited to the poor, but affected the so-called middle class as well. The lower level of the middle class has been the most unfortunate, with many of them having been reduced to poverty.

The rich people did not fare much better either. When there is an increase in poverty, law and order become worse. Of course the targets are mainly the rich people. The current disparity between the rich and poor has made striking against riches increasingly popular, and more serious. The rich people with money cannot be considered as happy while living in such an ocean of rich-hating psychology. Sending family members and mistresses abroad has become fashionable. After all, everyone has the right to pursue happiness.

It is said that the officials are getting more arrogant. To have money is less than to have power. To have the power is equal to having money. Power can make money, while without power the money might be lost. Sometimes one might lose one's life if one does not want to lose one's money. Thus the officials are the most arrogant class in the Chinese society. But even the officials had a tough time in the last few years, when their life style lacking sunshine received slaps in their faces.

Wang Qishan (currently serving as Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, and having emerged as the public face of General Secretary Xi Jinping's anti-corruption campaign since 2013) does not have any offspring, so he has no worries of the future. When he starts to arrest people, he has no concern of whether the others curse him, nor is he afraid of kidnapping and raiding of his home. This is sort of like a Buddha with an indestructible body. He makes everyone in the Chinese officialdom really feel insecure, yet it is false that he wants to end corruption from the root.

This insecurity is due to the reality in China now went back to the traditional officials are "respected" while businessmen are "humble", since the "reform" by Deng Xiaoping under the title of a so-called Chinese model of socialism. Coupled with the lack of rule of law under Communism, collusion between the officials and businessmen has become the main mode of operation. There is no need of promotion to get this widely spread corrupted officialdom in China.

Since corruption has widely spread, anti-corruption means the need to kill all the officials. If one does not want to kill all the officials, one must only selectively kill. When one chooses selective killing, then one cannot end corruption from the roots, yet meanwhile it will cause a sense of insecurity for everyone, as no one is sure of the selection criteria.

It would be better to kill than to be killed. This is the logic for any normal person. When everyone has a sense of insecurity, someone will rebel. The extreme corruption will also result in rebellion. Either the officials will force people to rebel, or some officials will force other officials to rebel, an entire antinomy. Using the Chinese people's description, it is called "The pig looks into a mirror -- it is not a human either inside or outside of the mirror."

The recent vigorous fight for true universal suffrage in Hong Kong is a typical example. The movement reached a point that was out of the expectation of those who launched it. That is because its basis of public opinion surpassed what was estimated by the elites. This result is a typical model of the officials forcing people to rebel. Years of erosion of human rights and rule of law in Hong Kong by the representatives of the Communist regime, have made the people of Hong Kong feel intolerable. As soon as there was a spark, it ignited a large area. This was not what the elites anticipated when they wanted to use the mass movement to solve the in fighting.

Meanwhile, this result is also a typical model of some officials forcing other officials to rebel. The selective anti-corruption by Wang Qishan, who is not concerned of his own, had made everyone in the officialdom feel insecure. Indeed, the bureaucratic capitalism by chief architect Deng Xiaoping has been implemented for long enough. It has been so long that the corruption of the officialdom has reached a pinnacle: every official in China must be corrupt and no official is not corrupt now. It is the consensus of the society that the high officials are corrupt like "tigers", while minor officials are corrupt like "flies".

There are even minor officials who are like small "tigers" corrupted into billions. Even if one declares selective anti-corruption, even if one suppresses the masses who tried to report corruption cases to the authorities, these "tigers" and "flies" will feel insecure, the psychological pressure will keep them from falling asleep. It is also true that when there is oppression, there is resistance. Thus they ventured to provoke the sensitive nerves of the people in Hong Kong, ventured to stop the anti-corruption process by way of peaceful evolution.

So, using the situation provoked by the officials, fearless young warriors used the current to launch an umbrella revolution of people against the suppressive officials. These warriors have left Xi Jinping, the officials rebelling against other officials, and the adult elite democrats dumbfounded. It also multiplied the confidence of the true democrats and people in both Hong Kong and Mainland China who truly want universal suffrage.

What is very interesting is that the internal struggles within the democracy movement on the streets of Hong Kong have been the same as the internal struggles during the 1989 democracy movement in Tiananmen Square -- a fight over the issue of staying or retreating, as well as the fight between people supported by public opinion and people who were sent in by the government. There are people who were dispatched by the government after received amnesty from the government, and there were people who were persuaded to retreat. In between there were plenty of agents who were fishing in troubled waters. It looked very colorful and made people confused. This is a characteristic of a spontaneous mass movement.

Due to the effective control of Chinese and foreign media by the Chinese Communist regime, as well as the lack of public promotion of the democrats, the support from the people in Mainland China was lagging far behind the situation. It did not play a supporting role similar to that of the people in Hong Kong during the democracy movement on the Mainland in 1989. Of which, the fake democrats and agents fed by the Communist regime played a very effective role to confuse the people.

Better late than never. Things are not over yet; we still need to strive in the future. The important issue for the democrats in Mainland China, Hong Kong, Taiwan and overseas to study is how to expand efforts to promote, as well as counterattack Communist control in the media.

The Communist agents, paid or volunteer, have had a platitude for many years, which is "do not use verbal violence overseas, go back to China to try it." They abbreviated it as "mouth violence" to mean that advocacy does not work, but only the action is useful. This platitude lead to many of our democrat friends giving up in frustration of advocacy work using the Internet and a variety of media, and allowed the Communist agents and those who seek the amnesty from the Communist regime to take control of these arenas.

The democracy movement in Hong Kong this time was a preview of a nationwide campaign in China. It is homework we must do to draw useful experience and lessons of missteps. As the internal fights within the Communist leadership will not stop but will intensify, peoples' revolt will not stop but will intensify. If the democrats do not learn lessons in order to fight better, then they can only lag behind; behind the masses, and continue to experience the embarrassment the democrats in Hong Kong showed during this movement for universal suffrage in Hong Kong.

As running water cannot be stopped, the movement continues. The democratic movement to struggle for universal suffrage in Hong Kong maintained the spirit of its own idealism. True democrats both inside Mainland China and overseas should learn from them, not to be depressed mentally and not to retreat. We must continue our efforts until victory is ours.

To hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's related commentary, please visit:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2014/WeiJS141219of2014summary.mp3

(Written and recorded on December 19, 2014. Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)

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中文版

Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A858-W551

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号： A858-W551

Release Date: January 18, 2015

发布日：2015年1月18日

Topic: A Summary for the Year of 2014 -- Wei Jingsheng

标题：2014年终总结 -- 魏京生

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）

如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2015/report2015-01/WeiJS150118of2014summaryA858-W551.htm

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2014年终总结

-- 魏京生

年终总结这个词儿听起来很老派，有点儿老古董的味道。其实意思倒是不错，就是总的算一次账，看看是赚了还是赔了。然后回家过年。然后规划将来的一年该怎么办；甚至将来若干年该怎么办。

对中国的普通老百姓来说，今年不是一个好年：经济衰退，通货膨胀，就业减少，物价倒增长了。老百姓的日子像水往低处走一样，越来越困难了。日子不好过已经不限于穷人，所谓的中产阶级也不如过去。中产下层最倒霉，很多已经降低为穷人。

有钱人也不好过。穷人一增加，治安就变坏，目标当然以富人为主。目前的贫富差距使得仇富心理越来越普及，越来越严重。生活在这样一片仇富心理的海洋中，有钱越来越不能算幸福了。让家人和二奶出国定居已经成为时髦，毕竟人人都有追求幸福的权利嘛。

据说当官的越来越牛气，有钱不如有权，有权等于有钱。有了权，没钱可以捞钱。没有权，有钱也会丢钱。不想丢钱的有时会丢命。所以当官的是这个社会中最牛气的阶级。不过最近两年不行了，这种见不得阳光的生活方式遭到了迎头痛击。

王岐山已经断子绝孙了，所以就没有后顾之忧。抓起人来可以肆无忌惮，既不怕人家骂他绝户，也不怕人家绑架抄家。这有点儿金刚不坏之身的意思。他让官场人人自危是真的，想根治腐败却是假的。

人人自危是因为邓氏改革以来，所谓的中国模式社会主义，正是中国传统的官大于商：官尊商卑。再加上共产主义的没有法治，官商勾结就成为主要的经营模式。官场普及腐败就不需要推广号召了。

既然腐败已经普及了，反腐败就得杀掉所有的官员。如果不想杀掉所有的官员，就只能是选择性地杀人。而选择性地杀人，即不能根治腐败，也会造成人人自危。

与其被杀不如杀人，这是正常人的逻辑。人人自危就有人会造反。极度腐败也有人会造反。不是官逼民反；就是官逼官反，整个一个二律悖反。老百姓的俗话就是猪八戒照镜子，里外不是人。

最近闹得轰轰烈烈的香港争取真普选运动，就是典型的一例。能闹到出乎发动者意外的地步，就是因为它的民意基础超过了精英们的估计。这是官逼民反的典型。中共利用其代理人，多年对香港人权和法治的侵蚀，已经令香港人民忍无可忍。只要有一点火星，就引燃了一大片。这是想利用群众运动解决内斗问题的精英们没有预料到的。

这同时又是一场官逼官反的典型案例。王岐山以绝户不坏之身的选择性反腐，逼得官场人人自危。总设计师的官僚资本主义，实行的时间够久了。久到了官场腐败炉火纯青；登峰造极。如今是逢官必腐；无官不贪。大官是老虎；小官是苍蝇。这已是社会共识。

甚至有小官都是上亿元的小老虎。即使你宣布选择性地反腐，即使你压制群众举报，大小老虎苍蝇们也会人人自危，心理压力会让他们睡不着觉。有压迫就有反抗也适用于这种情况，于是他们就试探着在香港挑动人民的敏感神经，试探着用和平演变的方式制止反腐败的形势。

于是初生牛犊不怕虎的年轻勇士们，就利用官方挑起的形势，顺水推舟发动了官逼民反的雨伞运动。让习近平和官逼官反派，以及成年的精英民主派都瞠目结舌。也让大陆和香港的真民主派和真普选派信心倍增。

很有意思的是：香港的街头民主运动内部的斗争，和1989年天安门民主运动的内部斗争一样，都是围绕着坚持还是撤退的问题，都是民意支持和官方派遣说服招安之间的斗争。有被派遣的招安，也有被说服的撤退，其间不乏五毛的浑水摸鱼。看起来鱼龙混杂，色彩斑斓。弄得大家眼花缭乱。这就是自发群众运动的特点。

由于中共对中外媒体的有效控制，也由于民主派宣传力度的欠缺，国内人民对香港人民的支持远远落后于形势，没有起到当年香港人民对大陆民主运动的支持作用。这里边中共豢养的假民主派和五毛，起到了很有效的混淆视听，迷惑民众的作用。

亡羊补牢，犹未为晚。事情还没结束，今后仍需努力。大陆、港台和海外的民主派需要补牢的重要课题，就是研究如何扩大宣传的力度，如何反击中共在媒体控制方面占领的阵地。

中共豢养的五毛，也包括老百姓讥讽的自带干粮的五毛，多年来有一句口头禅，叫做别在海外口头暴力，你们回国去试一试呀。简称“口暴派”。意思就是宣传没有用，只有行动才有用。咱们的很多朋友因此而沮丧地放弃了利用网络和各种媒体的宣传工作，把阵地让给了五毛和招安派。

这次香港的民主运动就是全国大运动的预演。从中吸取有益的经验和失策的教训，是我们必做的功课。中共的内斗不会停止，反倒会愈演愈烈；民众的反抗也不会停止，也会愈演愈烈。民主派如果不学会总结经验以利再战，就只能落后于形势，落后于群众，成为群众的尾巴。就像香港民主派在这次争普选运动中的尴尬一样。

流水不止；运动不息。香港争普选的民主运动保持了自己理想主义的精神。大陆和海外真民主派的朋友们要向他们学习，保持精神不沮丧，不后退。我们要再接再厉，直至胜利。