Overseas Chinese Democracy Coalition News and Article Release Issue Number: A934-O263

中国民主运动海外联席会议新闻与文章发布号：A934-O263

Release Date: May 15, 2016

发布日：2016年5月15日

Topic: 50 years After the Cultural Revolution, the Specter Is Still In China (Voice of America)

标题：文革50年，幽灵依旧在(美国之音)

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）

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50 years After the Cultural Revolution, the Specter Is Still In China

-- by Xiao Xun, Ren YuYang, Yu An of Voice of America

2016.05.14

Washington -

Almost half a century ago, the "Cultural Revolution" started in China. While the Communist regime recognizes it as a catastrophe, so far it does not want to completely deny that disastrous political movement. Recently some practices of the Communist leaders brought back painful memories of the experiences of the Chinese people during the Cultural Revolution; but, they also made some people feel excited. This year marks the 50th anniversary of the outbreak of the Cultural Revolution. Some of the exiled Chinese democracy activists and intellectuals remind people that even though the same political movement may not happen again, the root cause of the disaster is still there.

After the Cultural Revolution, Wei Jingsheng was imprisoned in China because of his call for democracy. After his release, he was forced into exile in the United States. However, he never gave up pushing China toward democracy. On the eve of this 50th anniversary of the Cultural Revolution, the Wei Jingsheng Foundation held a roundtable with exiled Chinese scholars and Chinese democracy advocates to explore how people may learn from that political disaster.

Over many years, the Chinese people have been reflecting on the Cultural Revolution, The Communist regime also acknowledged after the Cultural Revolution that it was wrong due to the political movement leaders of that time. Wei Jingsheng thinks that we need to seek and understand the causes of the disaster, so we can alert future generations. First he denied the Communist's resolution about the Cultural Revolution in the 1980s.

He said: "That resolution on one hand put the blame on Mao Zedong and the Gang of Four, on the other hand put the blame to the people of China. The biggest failure of that resolution was their saying that the old Communist officials were persecuted during the Cultural Revolution, and now that the old officials are back we should not persecute these official again, and discontinue the Cultural Revolution. This fallacy is widespread, and many people believe this statement."

Wei Jingsheng thinks that actually the Cultural Revolution was the inevitable result of the one-party dictatorship of the Communist Party; a one-party dictatorship of the minority, as the personal dictatorship of Mao Zedong at that time.

He said: "So the Communist regime never talks about this aspect of Mao Zedong. A lot of people did not notice that either. Without paying attention to this, one would be still set within the Communist discourse system and eventually still follow the guidance of the Communist Party."

Wei Jingsheng said that we must learn lessons and not continue to follow the media of the Communist Party.

He said: "So we think we should jump out of this circle, end the one party dictatorial politics of the Communist Party, so the Chinese people could walk out of the rule of the Communist Party and come into a normal society like the other countries."

The Communist Party has not been fully negative about the Cultural Revolution. It is even not allowed to mention the Cultural Revolution. Writer Zheng Yi believes that the Communist regime would not mention the Cultural Revolution, because it was frightened by it.

He said: "If you allow the people to speak, and allow them at least a little bit of human rights for example, they can speak to the public about the Cultural Revolution; they can write their own opinions on the big poster and post it; and they can set up organizations composed of a few people, dozens of people, hundreds of people, thousands of people, that the Communist Party has no control of; then these groups even could express their own views about the political issues of the country. This is what the Communist Party fear most. To what extent does it fear now? No, it is not an issue of allowing one to set up civil society organizations or not, which is out of the question. To what alert level is it now? We are not allowed to simply gather together."

Zheng has different views of the Cultural Revolution which is referred as one decade long as the others usually talk about. In his view, the real Cultural Revolution was only 3 years from the end of 1966 to 1968. Later on, it was only related to the Communist regime, yet unrelated to the people. He thinks that during those three years, people had an opportunity to have some space, thus also the possibility to speak.

He said: "During the Cultural Revolution, people took up the opportunity given by Mao Zedong, and put down with almost all the Communist officials. This so-called "down with" was to not recognize these officials' authority or to say to resist the power in their hands. That gave the current officials a very deep impression, so they absolutely would not be allowed to discuss of the Cultural Revolution."

The current Chinese leader Xi Jinping appeared very strong of his political performance. Many people also noticed some signs appearing in China now that lead to their concern of a repeat of the Cultural Revolution.

Questioning the "Family Origin Theory" of the Communist regime, Yu Luoke was regarded as a brave victim by the people after he was executed by the Communist regime. His brother Yu Luowen told VOA that we cannot completely exclude the possibility of a repeat of the Cultural Revolution. He thinks that Xi Jinping is likely to engage in a similar movement, because his judgment of a lot of things is very wrong.

He said: "When Bo Xilai was 'hitting blacks and singing the red (revolution songs)' in Chongqing, Xi Jinping was also supportive and went to Chongqing. So I think that we cannot rule out him not starting another Cultural Revolution. The result is that he may step down sooner."

Yu Luowen thinks that the most important thing is to let people know the facts of that time. If people see some ultra-left practices now were actually practiced and evolved into a very ridiculous extent during the Cultural Revolution, then people naturally know that these kinds of things should no be engaged in anymore.

Link of the original report:

http://www.voachinese.com/content/exiled-chinese-dissidents-talks-lessons-cultural-revolution-20160513/3329718.html

Related video is available at:

http://www.voachinese.com/media/video/cultural-revolution-china-20160513/3330105.html

Or: http://www.weijingsheng.org/interviews/interviews2016/CulturalRevolution50th160513VOAreport.mp4

Or on Youtube at:

https://youtu.be/LLSjTZQbxuM

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中文版

Overseas Chinese Democracy Coalition News and Article Release Issue Number: A934-O263

中国民主运动海外联席会议新闻与文章发布号：A934-O263

Release Date: May 15, 2016

发布日：2016年5月15日

Topic: 50 years After the Cultural Revolution, the Specter Is Still In China (Voice of America)

标题：文革50年，幽灵依旧在(美国之音)

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）

如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问：

http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2016/report2016-05/CulturalRevolution50th160515VOAreportA934-O263.htm

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文革50年幽灵依旧在

-- 美国之音萧洵, 任禺阳, 郁安

2016.05.14 07:14

华盛顿-

中国 "文化大革命"距今已近半个世纪，中共虽然承认那是一段浩劫，但是至今却不愿彻底地否定那场灾难性的政治运动。近期中共领导人的一些做法，勾起许多经历过文革的中国人的痛苦记忆，同时也令一些人感到兴奋。今年恰逢文革爆发50周年，一些流亡海外的中国民主人士和知识分子提醒人们，相同的政治运动或许不会发生，但是导致那场灾难的根源仍未清除。

文革后，魏京生因在中国呼吁民主而落狱。出狱后，魏京生被迫流亡美国，但他从未放弃推动中国走向民主。在中国爆发文化大革命50周年纪念日前夕，魏京生基金会举办了一个研讨会，邀请流亡海外的中国学者和致力于中国民主的人士探讨如何从那场政治灾难中汲取教训。

中国人多年来一直在反思文革，中共也在文革后承认，那场运动是当时领导人的政治错误。魏京生则认为，追本溯源，要警示后人，需了解灾难发生的原因。他首先否定了中共在1980年代所作出的有关文革的决定。

他说："那个决定一方面把责任推给了毛泽东和四人帮，另一方面则是推给了老百姓。他们那个结论有个最大的特色，就是文革整了那些老干部，所以老干部回来了，我们不能搞文革了，不能再整老干部了。这个谬论流传甚广。很多老百姓都相信这种说法。"

魏京生认为，文革实际上是中国共产党一党专政的必然结果；一党专政就是少数人专政，当时就是毛泽东的个人的独裁。

他说："所以毛泽东的这个方面，他们从来不说。很多老百姓也没注意到。不注意这些呢，你还是套在共产党的话语系统里头，最终走来走去，可不还是跟着共产党走了。"

魏京生说，要接受经验教训，不要继续跟着共产党的舆论走。

他说："所以我们觉得，我们应该跳出这个圈子，要结束共产党的一党专政的政治，中国人才能从共产党的统治中走出来，像其他国家一样，走入一个正常的社会。"

中共至今没有全面地否定文革，甚至不允许提及文革。作家郑义认为，中共不让提文革，是因为自己被文革吓坏了。

他说："你只要允许人民说话，给了他一点儿最起码的人权，比如说在文革中你可以讲演；你可以把自己的意见写在一张大纸上贴出去吧；你可以几个人、几十个人、几百个人、几千个人成立一个（共产党）管不着的组织吧；对于国家的政治问题，你们团体都甚至可以表达自己的意见吧。这个东西是共产党最惧怕的东西。它现在惧怕到什么程度呢？它现在并不是允不允许你成立民间组织的问题，这不在讨论之列。它现在戒备到一种什么程度？不许聚众。"

郑义对于人们常说的十年文革有不同看法。他认为，真正的文革只有1966年底到1968年三年，之后就是共产党的事了，跟老百姓无关。他认为，在短短这三个年头，人们获得了一个喘息的机会，也有了说话的可能性。

他说："在文革中，人民一下起来，借着毛泽东这个机会，把共产党所有的官员几乎全部都打倒了。所谓打倒就是不承认或者是反抗他们的权力。那件事情对于他们来说，是太深刻了，印象太深刻了。所以他们绝对不允许讨论文革。"

当今中共领导人习近平在政治上表现得相当强势。但不少人也留心到，当前中国出现的一些迹象，让他们担心文革会重演。

因质疑中共的血统论而被杀死的遇罗克，被后人视为勇敢的牺牲者。他的胞弟遇罗文对美国之音说，还不能完全排除文革重演的可能性。他认为习近平有可能会搞类似运动，因为他判断很多事都是很错误的。

他说："薄熙来在重庆唱红打黑的时候，他不是也曾经支持过吗？他也去过。所以我觉得不排除他可能搞。但是他搞的话，结果可能就是他下台的更快。"

遇罗文认为，最主要的就是让人们知道当时的事实；如果人们能够看到当前一些极左的做法其实在文革就有过，而且演变到非常荒唐的程度，那人们自然就知道这种事就不应该再搞了。

本报道的原始链接：

http://www.voachinese.com/content/exiled-chinese-dissidents-talks-lessons-cultural-revolution-20160513/3329718.html