Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A973-W625
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号:A973-W625
Release
Date: November 27, 2016
发布日:2016年11月27日
Topic:
Wei Jingsheng 's Analysis of the Political Situation of the Chinese Communist
Regime (Voice of America "Issues and Opinions" Program)
标题:魏京生剖析中共政局(美国之音“时事大家谈”节目)
Original
Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)
Note:
Please use "Simplified Chinese (GB2312)" encoding to view the Chinese
parts of this release. If this
mail does not display properly in your email program, please send your request
for special delivery to us or visit:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2016/report2016-11/WeiJSonCCPleadership161127VOAtalkshowA973-W625.htm which
contains identical information.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
Editor's
note: the following is the VOA introduction of its "Issues and
Opinions" talk show on November 23, 2016, featuring its invited guest: Wei
Jingsheng.
Voice
of America "Issues and Opinions" Program: Wei Jingsheng 's Analysis
of the Political Situation of the Chinese Communist Regime
Last
updated: 2016.11.23 23:57
--
Hosted by Bao Shen of VOA
Washington
-
On
Monday, the website of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection
published an article which stated that serious violations of the law, which
included the cases of Zhou Yongkang, Bo Xilai, Guo Boxiong, Xu Caihou, etc. are
a warning to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) that "the country is not at
peace", and thus the Communist Party should not relax political vigilance
even for a moment. The article
also said that the first security issue for the Communist Party and national
security is political security, while the most important aspect of the
political security is the "security of ruling" for the Communist
regime. In 2016, the CCP convened
the Sixth Plenary Session of its Eighteenth Congress, which established Xi
Jinping as "the core leader."
Before and after the convening of that plenary session, Xi Jinping used
people who once worked for him and those he trusted to replace many leaders
including the leaders in the Beijing municipal government and many of the
highest leaders of the municipalities of provincial and autonomous regions. Xi also used his own confidants to
control the armed forces, armed police and public security departments. As the CCP preparations for its Nineteenth
Congress are in full swing, what is the intention for the Central Commission
for Discipline Inspection to warn that "the country is not at
peace"? What is the current
state of power struggles and factional struggles at the highest level of the
Chinese Communist Party? Could Xi
Jinping establish his own set of people and to enhance his core position during
the CCP's 19th Congress next year?
And once he got his wish, where will Xi Jinping lead China?
The
hosts asked: Since the Communist regime has sentenced both Ling Jihua and Guo
Boxiong to life imprisonment in July this year, and sentenced Zhou Yongkang to
life imprisonment in June 2015 and Bo Xilai to life imprisonment in July 2013,
while Xu Caihou had already died in July 2013, why did the article by the
Central Commission for Discipline Inspection state that "the country is
not at peace"? Where does the
danger come from? Wei Jingsheng
expressed that Xi Jinping's administration faces attacks from two sides. On one side, the party officials who
were warned are disgruntled; on the other side, there is a stronger civil
revolt that the CCP has never met, which includes the execution of Jia Jinglong
and the protest of the Chinese veterans at the Central Military Committee
building, etc. These are
unprecedented instability factors.
The
Central Discipline Inspection Commission's article said the first security
issue for national security is political security; the most important issue of
the political security is the "security of ruling" for the Communist
regime. How to understand this
"security of ruling?" Is
it not overturned? Wei Jingsheng
said that during the Mao Zedong era, "security" was focused on the
security of Marxism-Leninism; while in the Deng Xiaoping era, it was focused on
economic security; but now Xi Jinping is concentrating on the security within
the Communist leadership. From
last year, Xi began to warn that no small cliques would be allowed within the
CCP, which indicates that this unease within the Communist Party cannot be
underestimated. Although the
people who are dissatisfied with the Communist Party will not rise in conflict
with it, they will make their confrontation by hindrances and other negative
approaches. When there were
similar crises during the Mao Zedong era, Mao had experienced measures to deal
with them, but now Xi Jinping cannot catch up.
The
hosts asked: The CCP held its Sixth Plenary Session of its Eighteenth Congress
this fall, which established Xi Jinping as "the core leader." What kind of concept does "the
core leader" mean to you? What
is the practical significance of establishing Xi Jinping as "the core
leader?" Is Xi Jinping
setting himself up as the third "core leader" after Mao Zedong and
Deng Xiaoping? Wei Jingsheng
pointed out that "core" is defined to have reached a certain degree
of power, prestige and ability.
However, Xi Jinping did not reach such a high degree yet he has set himself
up as "the core leader", which resulted in a huge rebound of this
"core" theory both inside and outside of the Communist
leadership. Xi Jinping should not
try to occupy that supreme position, which is just accelerating the demise of
himself.
Before
and after the CCP's Sixth Plenary Session of the 18th Congress, Xi Jinping
replaced top leaders of many provinces.
Reports said that the officials involved were as many as 20, while Xi
Jinping also used his own people to control the army, armed police and public
security departments. Will Xi be
able to place his own people in all positions and fully control the highest
leading power of the Communist regime before next autumn when the CCP will have
its 19th Congress? Wei Jingsheng
said that many foreign observers like to analyze from a foreign point of
view. In fact, the CCP officials
are only working for the Communist Party in name, but working for themselves in
reality. When a new provincial
governor comes to power, he may not have the capacity to mobilize his
subordinates for a couple years; this is the problem. Even if Xi Jinping replaced all the people with his own at
all the important positions, it is still impossible to ensure that these people
can immediately start making commands.
Moreover, Xi Jinping does not have the capacity to have everyone to
follow him. He could not balance
either side: the people being not happy with the corruptions of officials, or
the officials being not happy to be caught. Xi Jinping's style of taking strong hardliner approaches
will only intensify the contradictions.
If he softens a little, perhaps he could barely survive to the end of
his term.
Bao
Shen questioned: Up to now Xi Jinping has broken the CCP's approach of
"the preceding leader designating the successor of the current
leader" that has been carried out for the last 30 years. A successor has not been
designated. What is his intention? Will he, as many experts have said,
continue to hold power even after the 20th Congress of the CCP?
Wei
Jingsheng said regarding the successor issue it must be emphasized that, first,
the "designating of a successor by a processor of the current leader"
itself is not legitimate; second, when the successor is not designated, it will
result in dissatisfaction -- both competitors and people dissatisfied within
the Communist Party will not ignore Xi Jinping trying to occupy the throne of
the highest power for his whole life.
The
host asked: What is the biggest crisis that Xi Jinping is facing? Economic collapse? Coup? Military coup?
The CCP has constantly stressed "absolute loyalty", "the
media belongs to the CCP" and "the CCP leads everything." Can this kind of crisis be resolved
when the loyalty within the CCP improves?
Wei Jingsheng thinks that the biggest crisis of Xi Jinping is that the
Chinese Communist Party has completely lost its trust from the Chinese
people. People do not believe in
Xi Jinping and all the promises and slogans of the CCP. When a governing power has lost
people's hearts to this extent, it is already a miracle for the regime to be
maintained. Xi Jinping's
anti-corruption campaign has only been in effect a short time, but it already
let people completely lose their confidence. People consider his anti-corruption as "the boy who
cried wolf" - using anti-corruption slogans to engage in political
struggles. By taking a ruthless hardliner
on both the officials and the people, Xi Jinping has offended both sides
completely.
Some
listeners/viewers and netizens asked what changes China has made politically
since Xi Jinping became the top leader for the Communist Party, the country,
and the army in2012? And what
direction China is headed to? Is
China at the end of a dynasty? Is
Xi Jinping going to learn from the Singapore model? Wei Jingsheng pointed out that the reality in China makes
people no longer believe in the Communist Party, even including those old
revolutionaries and party members.
Why do so many people not believe in communism and not abide by the
provisions of the Party either? Xi
Jinping needs to think and to answer this question. Moreover, it is impossible for the CCP to replicate the
Singapore model because Singapore has an independent and complete judicial
system thus allowing the regime to govern stably. But the CCP has no rule of law - when there are no rules, it
will not just harm the others but also itself.
Wei
Jingsheng expressed that from the dynasty point of view the Chinese Communist
regime has been around for a while.
The resentment of the common people is increasing and the bureaucratic
classes are becoming increasingly bitter as well. This resentment will eventually lead to the collapse of the
Chinese Communist regime. No
matter how it will collapse, democracy is attributable. The root of a democratic system is not
the election, but the opposition.
Where there is opposition and opposition parties, the people have a
choice. Only in this way can the
rights of ordinary people be guaranteed.
Xi
Jinping has been fighting corruption for four years. How effective has it been? What changes have been made to the Chinese bureaucratic
class and their ruling? What has
changed with the status and role of the Central Discipline Inspection Commission
and its future development? Wei
Jingsheng said, Xi Jinping's ruling has been to take back all the slight
concessions to the people by Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, so the ideological and
political environment has deteriorated in China. As for supervision, countless means of supervision were
invented in ancient China, but never were they able to control corruption
because all the officials were acting as a gang, with their interests
intertwined. Only by adopting
independent political parties, independent judiciaries and independent media
like the West, could we see them playing the role of a real supervisor.
For
more exciting content, please watch the live video:
http://www.voachinese.com/a/3608421.html
Original
link of this VOA report:
http://www.voachinese.com/a/issue-and-opinion-wei-jingsheng-on-political-development-in-china-20161123/3608506.html
This
video is also available at:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/interviews/interviews2016/WeiJSonCCPleadership161123VOAtalkshow.mp4
and
on Youtube:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JpKA8mJ23s4
or:
https://youtu.be/h3sjRCjcOb8
Related
audio:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/interviews/interviews2016/WeiJSonCCPleadership161123VOAtalkshow.mp3
-----------------------------------------------------------------
This
is a message from WeiJingSheng.org
The
Wei Jingsheng Foundation and the Overseas Chinese Democracy Coalition are
dedicated to the promotion of human rights and democratization in China. We appreciate your assistance and help
in any means. We pledge solidarity
to all who struggle for human rights and democratic governance on this planet.
You
are welcome to use or distribute this release. However, please credit with this foundation and its website
at: www.weijingsheng.org
Although
we are unable to afford to pay royalty fees at this time, we are seeking your
contribution as well. You may send
your articles, comments and opinions to: HCP@weijingsheng.org. Please remember, only in text files,
not in attachments.
For
website issues and suggestions, you may contact our professional staff and web
master at: webmaster@Weijingsheng.org
To
find out more about us, please also visit our websites at:
www.WeiJingSheng.org
and www.ChinaLaborUnion.org
for
news and information for Overseas Chinese Democracy Coalition and human rights
and democracy movement as whole, especially our Chinese Labor Union Base.
You
may contact Ciping Huang at: HCP@Weijingsheng.org or
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation office at: 1-202-270-6980
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation's postal address is:
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation, P. O. Box 15449, Washington, DC 20003, USA
You
are receiving this message because you had previous shown your interest in
learning more about Mr. Wei Jingsheng and the Chinese Democratic Movement. To be removed from the list, simply
reply this message and use "unsubscribe" as the Subject. Please allow us a few days to process
your request.
*****************************************************************
中文版
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A973-W625
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号:A973-W625
Release
Date: November 27, 2016
发布日:2016年11月27日
Topic:
Wei Jingsheng 's Analysis of the Political Situation of the Chinese Communist
Regime (Voice of America "Issues and Opinions" Program)
标题:魏京生剖析中共政局(美国之音“时事大家谈”节目)
Original
Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)
如有中文乱码问题,请与我们联系或访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2016/report2016-11/WeiJSonCCPleadership161127VOAtalkshowA973-W625.htm
-----------------------------------------------------------------
(编者按:以下为2016年11月23日美国之音“时事大家谈”主持人宝申采访魏京生先生的节目介绍。)
美国之音时事大家谈:魏京生剖析中共政局
最后更新:2016.11.23 23:57
-- 美国之音宝申主持
华盛顿 -
中纪委网站星期一发表文章称,周永康、薄熙来、郭伯雄、徐才厚、令计划等严重违纪违法案件的发生,警示中共现在并非"天下太平",政治警觉性须臾不可放松。文章还说,党和国家安全首先是政治安全,政治安全中最重要的就是党的"执政安全"。回顾2016年,中共召开了十八届六中全会,确立了习近平的"核心地位"。全会召开前后,习近平撤换了包括北京市委高层以及许多省市自治区的一把手,用其旧部或亲信接管,同时也利用自己的心腹掌控军队、武警和公安部门。在中共为明年十九大紧锣密鼓地进行准备之际,中纪委警告"天下并不太平"的用意何在?中共党内最高层的权力斗争和派系斗争目前处于何种状态?习近平能否在明年的十九大上建立一套自己的人马,牢固自己的核心地位?而一旦如愿以偿,习近平又将把中国引向何方?
主持人提问,中共在今年7月分别判处令计划和郭伯雄无期徒刑,而周永康在2015年6月被宣判无期,薄熙来也在2013年7月被宣判无期,徐才厚于2013年7月病亡。为什么中纪委的文章认为现在"天下并非太平"呢?危险来自何处?魏京生表示,习近平政府面临两面夹击。一方面是那些被警告的党内官员,他们心怀不满;另一方面是中共从未遇到过的、强烈的民间反抗,这包括贾敬龙案和退伍军人在军委大楼前抗议等。这些都是前所未有的不稳定因素。
中纪委的文章说,国家安全首先是政治安全,政治安全中最重要的就是党的"执政安全"。"执政安全"如何理解?是不是不被推翻?魏京生说,毛时代侧重马列主义安全,邓时代则是关注经济安全,现在的习专注党内安全。习近平去年便开始警告不许搞小团体,说明党内不安的现象已经不容小觑。尽管党内不满者不会与组织发生正面冲突,但是却以消极怠工的手法来对峙。毛泽东时代在遇到类似危机时,毛有老练的措施来应对,而现在的习近平则只能望尘莫及。
主持人问,今年秋天,中共召开了十八届六中全会,确立了习近平的"核心地位"。对你来说,这个"核心"是一个什么样的概念?确立习核心的实际意义是什么?习近平是否正在把自己树立成毛、邓之后的第三个核心?魏京生指出,"核心"界定的是已经到达一定程度的权势、声望和能力。而习近平并没有达到这样的高度却仍然自立核心,所以核心论引发党内外巨大的反弹。他不应该试图占领那个至高位置,这是在加速自己的灭亡。
中共十八届六中全会前后,习近平撤换了许多省份的第一把手。报道说,涉及的官员多达20名,同时也在利用自己的人马来管控军队、武警和公安部门。明年秋天中共十九大以前,习近平是否能让自己的人马就位,全面掌控中共的高层领导权?魏京生表示,很多外国观察家喜欢从外国的角度来分析。其实,中共党内官员名义上为党服务,实则为自己效劳。一名新省长上台,可能两三年都没有魄力调动下属,这就是问题所在。习近平即便在重要岗位都换上自己的人马,也不可能保证这些人马能立刻发号施令。况且习也根本没有让所有人都跟随的本事。他那一方都摆不平:百姓不高兴官员腐败,官员也不高兴被打。他诉诸强势的作风只会激化矛盾;如果缓和一点儿,或许还能勉强熬到终点。
宝申提问,到现在为止习近平已经打破了30年来中共"隔代指定"的做法,仍然没有指定下一任领导人。他的用意何在?他会不会像许多专家所说的那样,在中共20大后继续不放权?
魏京生表示,关于接班人问题必须强调的是,第一,隔代指定本身并不合法;第二,不指定则引发不满,无论竞争者还是党内的不满者都不会无视习近平终生占据最高权力宝座的做法。
主持人问,习近平面临的最大危机是什么?经济崩溃?政变?军变?中共现在不断强调"绝对忠诚"、"媒体姓党"、"党领导一切"。能不能提高党内的忠诚度,化解这样的危机?魏京生认为,习的最大危机是,中共完全失信于民。老百姓对习近平、对中共的一切承诺和口号都完全不信。失民心到这种程度,政权依然维持,这已经是奇迹。习近平反腐时间不长,却已经让民众完全失去信心。人们认为反腐不过是"狼来了",利用反腐口号搞政治斗争。加上习近平对官、对民都不惜下狠手,因此把两边都得罪殆尽。
一些听众/观众和网友提问,从习近平2012年成为中共党政军最高领导人以来,中国在政治上发生了哪些变化,正在朝什么方向发展?中国是否处于王朝末日?习近平是否新加坡模式?魏京生指出,中国的现实让人们不再相信党,包括那些老革命和老党员在内。如此多的人不信仰共产主义也不遵守党的规定,这是为什么?习近平需要思考和回答这个问题。另外,中共也不可能复制新加坡模式,因为新加坡独立而完整的司法体系,得以让政权稳定执政;中共则没有法治,不讲规则,终究害己害人。
魏京生表示,从王朝的角度看,中共政权已经不短。老百姓的反感与日俱增,官僚阶层积怨成痼,这些最终将导致中共垮台。无论垮台的方式如何,民主才是归属。民主制度的根本不在选举,而是在于有反对党、有对立面,百姓有选择。只有这样,老百姓的权利才有保障。
习近平四年来一直在打击贪腐。实际效果如何?给中共官僚阶层和执政带来什么变化?中纪委的地位和作用发生了什么变化?发展如何?魏京生表示,习近平执政所做的是全部收回江、胡对老百姓所作出的细微让步,让思想和政治环境恶化。至于监督,中国古达发明过无数监督手段,但是却始终没有管住腐败,因为所有人都在一个团伙之内,他们的利益盘根错节。只有像西方一样,采取独立政党、独立司法和独立媒体的方式,才能起到名副其实的监督作用。
更多精彩内容,请收看节目实况录像:
http://www.voachinese.com/a/3608421.html
报道的原始链接:
http://www.voachinese.com/a/issue-and-opinion-wei-jingsheng-on-political-development-in-china-20161123/3608506.html
也可在以下网页观看相关录像:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/interviews/interviews2016/WeiJSonCCPleadership161123VOAtalkshow.mp4
Youtube上的录像:
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JpKA8mJ23s4
及:
https://youtu.be/h3sjRCjcOb8
相关录音:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/interviews/interviews2016/WeiJSonCCPleadership161123VOAtalkshow.mp3
------------------------------------------------------------------
魏京生基金会及中国民主运动海外联席会议以推动中国的人权与民主为己任。
我们欢迎任何形式的帮助与贡献。我们愿与世界上为人权与民主而奋斗的人们一起努力。
我们希望您能够帮助我们散发我们的资料。但请标明出处与我们的网址:www.weijingsheng.org
欢迎投稿(暂无稿费)或批评建议,请寄信箱: HCP@WEIJINGSHENG.ORG
魏京生基金会电话: 1-202-270-6980
通讯地址:Wei Jingsheng Foundation, PO Box 15449, Washington, DC 20003, USA
魏京生基金会及中国民主运动海外联席会议网址:WWW.weijingsheng.org
中国团结工会的网址为:www.ChinaLaborUnion.org
阁下之所以收到本信,是因为阁下以前曾表示有兴趣了解魏京生先生和中国民主运动。
倘若阁下希望不再收到类似信息,请回复本信并用unsubscribe 作为主题(Subject)。