Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A1056-W693
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号:A1056-W693
Release
Date: October 21, 2017
发布日:2017年10月21日
Topic:
The CCP's So-called Democracy Within the Party (2) -- Wei Jingsheng
标题:再谈中共所谓的党内民主 -- 魏京生
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Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
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The
CCP's So-called Democracy Within the Party (2)
--
Wei Jingsheng
Regarding
whether there is democracy within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), many
friends still have different views.
The reason for these different views is because: on the one hand, most
Chinese people have not seen democracy; and on the other hand, most people are
confused by "the great democracy" propagated by the Communist
Party. The so-called "great
democracy" is one of the weapons of the CCP: anarchism. Anarchism was an early theory of the
CCP, as well as one of the CCP's ecstasies against political opponents.
Democracy
is not a style, but a political and social system. The Chinese translation of this word is very appropriate:
that is, a political system by the people. This system can have a variety of institutional
arrangements, but its essence must be decided by all the people, not by a few
people.
The
constitution of the Chinese Communist Party very clearly states: the whole
country of China must obey to the CCP leadership, the whole CCP must obey to
the central committee of the CCP.
Now it even adds another condition: people are not allowed to talk
nonsense about the central committee of the CCP. Is this called democracy? This is a typical system of slavery, and even includes all
the CCP members as the slaves of a small group of people of the central
committee of the CCP. So if one
makes a wrong interpretation of Xi Jinping's intention, then one is guilty and
should be convinced of being so.
Some
people said: Deng Xiaoping created a democratic atmosphere within the CCP, so
doesn't that count as some kind of democracy? Well, the old ladies who watch the TV soap operas in China
know that the emperor had to get up early at 6am and work hard as to discuss
country affairs with his ministers.
What did the emperors do?
Show his democratic style with his ministers? Is that
democracy? Deng Xiaoping
was retired at home (in 1989) when he called a few retired old men who were
just as angry as he was, and thus they were able to remove the
Secretary-General of the Communist Party as well as decide on using the
people's army to kill the people.
Is this "democracy within the Communist Party"? One cannot see any democratic element
there.
The
CCP's so-called "democracy within the party" in its early days was
the decision of Comintern (Communist International) in Moscow and Stalin. After the 7th CCP Congress and Yan'an
rectification, the CCP's so-called "democracy within the party" was
Mao Zedong and Kang Sheng having the final say. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, by
taking advantage of the crime of starving tens of millions of Chinese people,
Liu Shaoqi and Zhou Enlai almost got the "democratic style" they
wanted. But the Cultural Revolution
has re-instituted the provisions of the CCP's Constitution which stated that
Mao Zedong had the final say. Even
until now it is still the top leader of the CCP who has the final say, without
any “democratic style”. Yet there
are still some people fooled by this so-called "democracy within the
party." Are they mentally
retarded?
But
some people still believe that only after Xi Jinping becomes a one-man
dictator, will he have the power to turn toward democracy. Even if we do not examine Xi's personal
qualities, we could see the examples of Taiwan and the Soviet Union they used
to really fool the people. The
facts are just the opposite. Of
course, the consciousness level of all the citizens of the nation is indeed
very important and critical. But
other conditions are also important and critical; not one single factor
determines the history. That is
the idea of ??a mentally retarded scholar, not a historical fact.
The
fact is that both Chiang Ching-kuo and Mikhail Gorbachev were not latent democrats. But they were forced to make wise
choices under pressures from both inside and outside. During the period of Chiang Ching-kuo, there was clamor
outside the Kuomintang Party. This
clamor received wide support from the masses both inside and outside the
Kuomintang. Under the pressure of
the United States, Chiang Ching-kuo did not want a self-destruction, and could
only choose to lift the bans on association and free media and thus peacefully
let Taiwan moved toward democracy.
Gorbachev
was also facing the pressure of Boris Yeltsin within the Party and the
opposition outside the Party, including a large number of people within the
army and the KGB who leaned toward democracy. Otherwise Yeltsin could not simple stand on the tank and
raise his arm to make a call to overthrow the diehards of the Soviet
Union. That was the effect of many
years of propaganda to guide public opinion.
That
they could avoid civil war was due to other historical incidents. Regardless which kind of conspiracy it
might be, the fact that Chiang Ching-kuo passed the leadership to Lee Teng-hui
gave the objective effect for Lee Teng-hui to take the tide of democratization
in Taiwan as a chance to achieve his ideal of Taiwan's independence. Taiwan's democracy has succeeded and
cannot go back. The so-called
independence is just to seek the correction to the mistakes of the
international community, and give a legitimate international status to Taiwan. The government in Taiwan was inherently
independent of the CCP regime anyway, and it was the international community
who mistakenly acted otherwise.
Now
synthesize these experiences of others to look at our own future in China. Since the CCP received permanent
Most-Favored-Nation status, the external pressure conditions similar to those
on Taiwan have become less and less likely. Deng Xiaoping's policy of "unifying the capitalists in
the world together" has dissolved the will to promote democracy by the
democratic West. Like what
happened in the former Soviet Union, we can only rely on the Chinese people and
those who are awakening within the CCP to walk out a road with Chinese
characteristics. An armed uprising
is not out of the question.
Original
link of RFA commentary by Wei Jingsheng:
http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/pinglun/weijingsheng/weijingsheng-10122017110031.html
To
hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's related commentary, please visit:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2017/WeiJS171010onCCPdemocracy2.mp3
(Written
on and recorded on October 10, 2017.
Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)
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中文版
Wei
Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A1056-W693
魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号:A1056-W693
Release
Date: October 21, 2017
发布日:2017年10月21日
Topic:
The CCP's So-called Democracy Within the Party (2) -- Wei Jingsheng
标题:再谈中共所谓的党内民主 -- 魏京生
Original
Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)
此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)
如有中文乱码问题,请与我们联系或访问:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2017/report2017-10/WeiJS171021onCCPdemocracy2A1056-W693.htm
-----------------------------------------------------------------
再谈所谓的党内民主
-- 魏京生
对于是不是有党内民主一说,很多朋友还是有不同意见。之所以有不同意见的原因:一方面是大多数中国人并没有见过什么是民主,另一方面是大多数国人被共产党宣传的大民主所迷惑。所谓的大民主其实是共产党的武器之一:无政府主义。这既是他们早期的理论,也是他们打击政治对手的迷魂药之一。
民主不是什么作风,而是一种政治、社会体系。中文的翻译其实很贴切,就是由人民做主的一种政治体制。这种体制可以有各种不同的制度安排,但其本质必须是全体人民做决定,而不是由少数人做决定。
共产党的宪法规定得很清楚:全国服从党的领导,全党服从中央。现在还加上一个不得妄议中央。这叫民主吗?这是典型的等级奴隶制,包括所有的党员也都是中央一小撮人的奴隶。所以搞错了习近平的意思,那就有罪了,没什么可以不服气的。
有人说:邓小平创造了党内的民主风气,这也是某种民主吧?常看辫子戏的大妈们,也知道皇上早晨六点就上朝,多辛苦呀。干嘛去了?和大臣们民主风气去了,那也叫民主?邓小平在家里找几个退休老头子同仇敌忾一下子,就可以把总书记罢免了,就可以决定人民军队屠杀人民。这就是党内民主?连风气都算不上了吧。
中共早期的民主,是莫斯科的共产国际和斯大林说了算。中共七大以后和延安整风以后的党内民主,是毛泽东和康生说了算。建国之后有一段刘少奇和周恩来借着饿死几千万人的罪恶,差一点民主作风了。但文革又恢复到了党章规定的毛泽东说了算。到现在都是党的一把手说了算,连作风都没有。还在那儿忽悠党内民主,弱智吧?
不过有人还是相信习近平独裁之后,才有权力走向民主。且不看习近平个人素质如何,单就他们列举的台湾和苏联的例证,就是大忽悠。事实证明的恰好是相反的说法。全民思想觉悟水平确实很重要也很关键。但其它的条件也很重要和关键,不是一个因素就决定了历史。那是弱智学者的想法,不是历史事实。
事实是蒋经国和戈尔巴乔夫都不是潜伏的民主主义者,只不过他们迫于内外的压力,不得不做出明智的选择。蒋经国时期有党外民主派在鼓噪,并获得党内外人民的广泛支持。在美国的压力下,他不想自我毁灭,只能选择开放党禁报禁,和平地走向了民主。
戈尔巴乔夫也面临着党内的叶利钦和党外的反对派联合的压力,包括军队和克格勃里也有大批心向着民主的军人。否则叶利钦不可能站在坦克上振臂一呼,就推翻了苏共顽固派,这是多年舆论宣传的效果。
他们能够避免内战,则有着另外的历史偶然性。蒋经国传位给了李登辉,不管他有什么阴谋,客观效果是李登辉借着民主化的大潮,实现了他的台湾独立的理想。台湾的民主成功了,不可能再走回头路了。所谓的独立,不过是争取纠正国际社会的错误,给予台湾正当的国际地位。那个政权本来就独立于中共政权之外,是国际社会犯了错误而已。
综合别人的经验看看我们自己的前途。类似于台湾借助外部压力的条件,在中共拿到了永久最惠国待遇之后,就越来越少可能性了。邓小平的全世界资产阶级联合起来的政策,瓦解了民主阵营推动民主的意志。我们只能像苏联那样,主要依靠人民和党内的觉醒,走出一条有中国特色的道路,包括武装起义的道路。
本篇评论在自由亚洲电台的原始链接:
http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/pinglun/weijingsheng/weijingsheng-10122017110031.html
相关录音:
http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2017/WeiJS171010onCCPdemocracy2.mp3
(撰写并录音于2017年10月10日。自由亚洲电台播出。)
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