Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A1052-W689

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号:A1052-W689

 

Release Date: October 8, 2017

发布日:2017年10月8日

                                

Topic: Wei Jingsheng Talks About the Upcoming CCP 19th Congress and Era of Xi Jinping (Voice of America "Issues and Opinions" Program)

标题:魏京生谈十九大与习时代(美国之音“时事大家谈”节目)

   

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)

 

Note: Please use "Simplified Chinese (GB2312)" encoding to view the Chinese parts of this release.  If this mail does not display properly in your email program, please send your request for special delivery to us or visit:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2017/report2017-10/WeiJSonCCP19Congress171008VOAtalkshowA1052-W689.htm which contains identical information.

 

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(Editor's note: the following is the VOA introduction of its "Issues and Opinions" talk show on October 4, 2017, featuring its invited guest: Wei Jingsheng.)

 

Voice of America "Issues and Opinions" Program: The CCP 19th Congress and Era of Xi Jinping: The End of Four Decades of Democracy Attempts Within the CCP

-- Hosted by Xu Bo of VOA

October 5, 2017

 

 

Washington -

An important symbol of the Xi Jinping Era started at the 19th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is to establish personal authority, i.e. to end the gradually defined central collective leadership and its related systems in effect since the CCP's economic reform and opening up, and thus to return to the one-man dictatorial system of the Mao Zedong Era.  Many observers have noticed that the five-year rule of Xi Jinping has broken the rules of Deng Xiaoping and his successors, who have worked hard for more than 30 years to establish a collective leadership of the Politburo Standing Committee, individual division of responsibilities, succession by skipping one generation, etc.; even the term limit and age restrictions may be broken.  There are many indications that the political system of the Chinese Communist Party will undergo major changes after the 19th Congress of the CCP, and that the exploration and development of democracy within the CCP during the past nearly 40 years will be terminated.  During the CCP's 19th Congress, will Xi Jinping change his Secretary-General title to become "Chairman Xi"?  Will this ambitious CCP leader be satisfied with his two terms of ten years in office and bow out of power after five years?  From Mao Zedong to Xi Jinping, why cannot the CCP get out of this strange circle of dictatorship and totalitarianism?

 

Wei Jingsheng, chairman of the Overseas Chinese Democracy Coalition, said that Xi Jinping has been planning for his one-man dictatorship continuously in the past five years, and he will further strengthen the collection of power or his own clique during the 19th CCP's Congress.  During the past two years, Xi Jinping's "movement of making himself a god" has intensified.  His goal is to achieve personal dictatorship and return to Mao Zedong era.  Deng Xiaoping resumed collective leadership after the Cultural Revolution, which eased the brutal struggle within the CCP of the Mao Zedong Era, but these changes were still too far away from the democratization.  These can only be said to divide the power up within the CCP.  The so-called democracy within the CCP is "a small circle of democracy" where a few people within the CCP could discuss and have the final say.  But a real democracy should be elected by the whole society to determine the governing personnel.

 

Wei Jingsheng said that in the name of "anti-corruption" Xi Jinping was supported by many average Chinese, but he should be exploring the cause of such serious corruption.  The corruption of China is a "structural" corruption exactly caused by the authoritarian system.  Leaders of various levels have the final say, without any supervision mechanism.  They should be limited by a democratic system and rule of law to constrain excessive expansion of the rights of one particular individual.  The so-called democracy of the CCP is only to make some amendments to the authoritarian form for an "autocracy of a few", and still does not have much to do with the Chinese people.

 

Wei Jingsheng pointed out that in the past Chiang Ching-kuo (of Taiwan) abandoned the power in his hands and lifted the ban on association and media publication under pressure from the international society, within the Kuomintang Party, and from the Taiwanese society itself, but these conditions are not there for the Chinese Communist Party in China.  The pressure exerted by the United States does not play a big role on the Chinese Communist Party, and China's economic development allowed Xi Jinping to not care about the pressure of the international society.  The basic principle of the CCP is the dictatorship.  The Chinese Constitution stipulates that all people must obey the Chinese Communist Party.  The Constitution of CCP also stipulates that all people must be subordinated to the Central Committee of the CCP.  There is no pressure within CCP meant to develop democracy.  In addition, the CCP's policies of fooling the people and severe repression have made it difficult for the opposition in the Chinese society to concentrate together, and it is unlikely a large-scale democratic movement like Taiwan's will happen.

 

During the early days of reform and opening up, in view of the lessons from the Cultural Revolution and Mao Zedong's autocracy, the CCP had proposed to carry forward the democracy within the CCP with the so-called "speak freely within the CCP", "the collective leadership of the Politburo Standing Committee", combined with "personal division of responsibilities" and so on.  In the 30 years following, it has developed a series of corresponding rules and systems.  Some people say that during the past 5 years of Xi Jinping rule, he has broken these rules and unspoken rules painstakingly developed and maintained by Deng Xiaoping and his successors for more than 30 years.  Regarding this, Wei Jingsheng said that Deng Xiaoping and others made some changes due to the lessons from the Mao Zedong Era, and turned a completely personal dictatorship into a collective discussion of a few within the CCP, which indeed relaxed some freedom of speech within the CCP and the society at that time.  But this kind of reform was opposed by many people within the Communist Party, who are uncomfortable with the mutual restrictions within the CCP.  This background made Xi Jinping and his clique feel that it was good and effective to return to personal dictatorship.  However, after Xi gradually went to personal dictatorship everyone within the CCP became insecure, such as Sun Zhengcai who thought he would be the next successor yet was sent to prison in twinkling of an eye.

 

Wei Jingsheng pointed out that many people in China do not know the situation of a democratic society, and think that life in China is the safest.  In fact, they do not know a lot of information about casualties and death that has been suppressed by the central government, so therefore there is no outcry for the leaders responsible for these casualties to step down.  In fact, Chinese society is really chaotic.  The Xi Jinping clique cannot solve the disparity between the rich and the poor, and the dissatisfaction of the people, so it intends to guide people's anger to certain corrupt officials and even arouse class struggle so that a group of people become scapegoats.  The biggest reason for the Cultural Revolution was the dictatorship of one individual, based on the autocracy of one-party.  If this principle does not change, if China does not get transformed into democracy, the Cultural Revolution will be repeated over and over.

 

For more exciting content of this interview, please watch the full version of the video on October 04, 2017, at:

https://www.voachinese.com/a/4055987.html

 

"Issues and Opinions" is a free forum.  What the guests and the audience express are their own personal points of view, which do not represent the Voice of America.

 

 

Original link of this report:

https://www.voachinese.com/a/voaweishi-20171004-io-xi-era-china/4056202.html

 

YouTube link of this video by VOA:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=9&v=IWZld_bV_zA

or:

https://youtu.be/Z-5nXOIXcnk

and:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/interviews/interviews2017/WeiJSonCCP19Congress171004VOAtalkshow.mp4

 

The audio of this video is available at:

https://www.voachinese.com/pp/4056100/ppt0.html

or:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/interviews/interviews2017/WeiJSonCCP19Congress171004VOAtalkshow.mp3

 

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中文版

 

Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A1052-W689

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号:A1052-W689

 

Release Date: October 8, 2017

发布日:2017年10月8日

 

Topic: Wei Jingsheng Talks About the Upcoming CCP 19th Congress and Era of Xi Jinping (Voice of America "Issues and Opinions" Program)

标题:魏京生谈十九大与习时代(美国之音“时事大家谈”节目)

   

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准(英文在前,中文在后)

 

如有中文乱码问题,请与我们联系或访问:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2017/report2017-10/WeiJSonCCP19Congress171008VOAtalkshowA1052-W689.htm

 

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(编者按:以下为2017年10月4日美国之音“时事大家谈”主持人许波采访魏京生先生的节目介绍。)

 

时事大家谈:十九大与习时代:中共40年党内民主尝试之终结

2017年10月5日 00:00 许波

 

 

华盛顿 - 

十九大开启习近平时代的一个重要标志就是树立个人权威,终结改革开放以来逐步确立的中央集体领导及其相关体制,重返毛泽东时代一人专断的制度。许多观察人士注意到,习近平执政的5年打破了邓小平及其后继者苦心经营30多年的政治局常委集体领导、个人分工、隔代接班等规则,甚至任期和年龄限制也可能被打破。种种迹象显示,十九大以后中共政治体制将发生重大变化,改革开放近40年来中共关于党内民主的探索和发展将会终止。19大上习近平会由总书记摇身一变成为"习主席"吗?这位雄心勃勃的中共领导人会满足于十年两届任期,于5年后交班吗?从毛泽东到习近平,为什么中共走不出个人专断和极权主义的怪圈呢?

 

中国民主运动海外联席会议主席魏京生表示,习近平过去五年不断为个人专权布局,他必定会在十九大进一步加强集权或小集团。近两年来,习近平的"造神运动"越演越烈,他的目标就是要实现个人独裁,回到毛泽东时代。邓小平在文革后恢复集体领导,缓和了毛泽东时期党内斗争的残酷,但这些离民主化都还太远,只能说是党内分权,避免个人专断。共产党所谓的民主是"小圈子的民主",党内几个人商量说了算,但真正的民主应该是由整个社会来民选执政单位人员。

 

魏京生说,习近平打的"反腐败"名义固然让他受到许多老百姓拥护,但他更该探究的是造成如此严重腐败的原因,而中国"结构性"的腐败正是由专制的体制造成,各级领导说了算,没有监督机制。应该由民主制度来限制和制约,避免个人权利过度扩张。共产党所谓的民主只是将专制形式做一些修正,改成"多人专制",与老百姓的关系不大。

 

魏京生指出,蒋经国当年放弃手上权力,开放党禁报禁,是因为受到国际、党内和社会压力,然而这些条件对共产党都不成立。美国施加的压力对中共起不了太大作用,而中国的经济发展使习近平不在乎国际社会的压力。共产党的基本宗旨就是专政,中国宪法规定所有人都得服从共产党,党章又规定所有人得服从中央,党内不存在意图发展民主的压力。此外,中共对中国社会的愚民政策和严厉镇压,使社会上的反抗声浪很难凝聚起来,不太可能形成像台湾过去的大规模民主运动。

 

改革开放初期,中共鉴于文革和毛泽东专制的教训,曾经提出发扬党内民主,所谓"党内畅所欲言"、"政治局常委集体领导与个人分工相结合"等等,并且在随后的30多年里建立和发展了一系列相应的规则和制度。有人说,习近平执政5年打破邓小平及其后继者30多年苦心经营的规则和潜规则。对此魏京生表示,鉴于毛泽东时代的教训,邓小平等人做了一些改变,将完全个人独裁改变为让党内多人集体讨论,确实将当时党内和社会的言论自由放松了一些。但这样的改革受到共产党内很多人的反对,这些人对党内互相制约感到不舒服,这样的背景让习近平和他的集团觉得还是个人独裁好、效率高。然而在他逐渐走向个人独裁后,共产党内变得人人自危,就像孙政才原以为自己会是下一届接班人,转眼间却被送进了监狱。

 

魏京生指出,中国很多人不知道民主社会的情况,以为在中国生活最安全,其实他们不知道,很多有关死伤的消息都被中央压下,领导因此也不必下台,其实中国社会才是真正的乱。习近平集团无法解决老百姓的贫富差距和不满,因此意图将他们的怒火引导到贪官污吏身上,甚至激起阶级斗争,让一批人成为替罪羊。文革最大的原因就是个人独裁,建立在一党专政的基础上,如果这个原则不改变,国家不改成民主制,文革会反复不断的回来。

 

更多精彩内容,请收看2017年10月04日的《时事大家谈》完整版视频:

https://www.voachinese.com/a/4055987.html

 

 

本次节目的原始链接:

https://www.voachinese.com/a/voaweishi-20171004-io-xi-era-china/4056202.html

 

YouTube链接:时事大家谈:十九大与习时代

https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=9&v=IWZld_bV_zA

或:

https://youtu.be/Z-5nXOIXcnk

及:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/interviews/interviews2017/WeiJSonCCP19Congress171004VOAtalkshow.mp4

 

以及音频:

https://www.voachinese.com/pp/4056100/ppt0.html

或:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/interviews/interviews2017/WeiJSonCCP19Congress171004VOAtalkshow.mp3

 

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