Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A1072-W709

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A1072-W709

Release Date: December 23, 2017

发布日：2017年12月23日

Topic: October Revolution in China -- Wei Jingsheng

标题：十月革命在中国 -- 魏京生

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）

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October Revolution in China

-- Wei Jingsheng

As Mao Zedong put it: the sound of the cannons of the October Revolution brought Marxism-Leninism to China. This statement is easy to understand, as well as a historical fact. Although at that time China had overthrown the autocratic rule of imperial power, it did not establish a decent democratic government.

As in many backward countries, the elites of China were at a stage of learning from the Western powers at that time. Varies trendy currents of thought in the West were all within the reach of exploration and experimentation by these elites. The newly established Soviet Union had also entered into the exploration of the Chinese at that time. Under the successful influence of the Soviet Union, Marxism-Leninism was recommended by some young social elites to be brought into the field of view of the Chinese. The most famous publications at that time were called "New Youth" and "Guiders."

Marxism-Leninism emerged from the foundation of European communism. The ideals of the European Communist of not competing with each other in a worldly way and mankind living together in harmony was especially in line with the illusions of a kindhearted people. The ideals were also similar to the traditional Chinese concepts of world peace and harmony, and thus were universally accepted by the elite in China. However, the Communist concept of public ownership of property obviously did not fit the perception of the Chinese public.

The Chinese society, which had a tradition of having a market economy for more than 2,000 years, considered private property as a matter of principle. That was a fundamental difference between the Chinese social culture and Russia, which had just thrown off its serfdom social system. Therefore, the institutes of Lenin and Stalin that carried out the world revolution considered it was unlikely to establish a Soviet power in China due to this social and cultural environment.

Instead, as the democratic revolution in China was struggling, these institutes thought they could take diplomatic advantages. Thus, they focused on supporting the so-called bourgeois regime established by the Kuomintang (KMT) in China. In the meantime, as they supported the Kuomintang with money, guns and counselors, they incorporated the newly founded weak Communist Party that was mainly made up of intellectuals into the Kuomintang ranks of Dr. Sun Yat-sen to help achieve the diplomatic goals of the Soviet Union.

However, the political goals of these two political parties were fundamentally different. The Kuomintang took the market economy as its basic economic system, in a fundamental conflict with the public ownership of property in the Communist system. Before they seized power, the two political parties in China could barely cooperate with each other. However, after they achieved some power, the contradictions became increasingly acute. Soon they turned against each other and the Communists were brutally repressed and were not effectively protected by the Soviet Union.

At that time, some alternative theorists emerged within the Communist Party, with Mao Zedong as their representative. They thought that the urban working class was too weak to launch a Russian-style city revolution; rather, it would be feasible to take a traditional countryside peasant revolution in China. This plan would ensure the survival of the revolutionaries while they waited for better opportunities. This is the strategy of Mao Zedong of "using rural areas to encircle the cities".

Even at this stage, the Chinese Communist Party did not get the help of their big brother the Soviet Union. However, the fights between warlords and people who could not make a living indeed provided a huge amount of manpower to the rebel forces of peasants. Thus it enabled the Communist separatists to replace the warlords that were exterminated and establish a powerful separatist regime which became the mainstream of the Communist Party.

After basically wiping out the warlords, Chiang Kai-shek turned his attention to the separatist regime of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The military strategy adopted by the Red Army, which was backed by those people in power who studied in the Soviet Union, broke away from the millennium's experiences and lessons of the peasant uprisings in China. The result was a total failure. The communists were expelled from their base areas and fled to the desolate western and northern regions. However, they also returned to peasant uprising strategy and to linger in the poorest areas in the northwest of China. At this time, their Soviet big brother still maintained friendly relations with the Kuomintang in power and did not substantially help their little Communist brothers in China.

It was the Japanese invasion of China that provided a great opportunity for the Communist Party. The CCP wisely seized a series of historic opportunities to grant itself the legal status to grow and to expand the separatist regime along with its armed forces. Only after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, did it win its qualification of battling with the KMT for China. Only after this battle started, did the Soviet Union correct their previous theories and vigorously help the CCP to establish a Communist regime that would have no social basis in China.

It is a historical mistake or opportunity that extended the tyranny of the October Revolution into China and also took the Chinese society into unacceptable serfdom. This reversal of history is continuing. The Chinese are waiting for new historical opportunities to return to a normal social state.

Original link of the RFA commentary:

http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/pinglun/weijingsheng/weijingsheng-11162017145816.html

To hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's related commentary, please visit:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2017/WeiJS171115onOctoberRevolutioninChina.mp3

(Written on and recorded on November 15, 2017. Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia.)

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中文版

Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article Release Issue: A1072-W709

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A1072-W709

Release Date: December 23, 2017

发布日：2017年12月23日

Topic: October Revolution in China -- Wei Jingsheng

标题：十月革命在中国 -- 魏京生

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）

如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问：

http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2017/report2017-12/WeiJS171223onOctoberRevolutioninChinaA1072-W709.htm

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十月革命在中国

-- 魏京生

正如毛泽东说过的那样：十月革命一声炮响，给中国带来了马克思列宁主义。这个说法通俗易懂，也是一个历史的事实。当时的中国虽然推翻了皇权的专制统治，但并没有建立起像样的民主政府。

像许多落后国家一样，它的精英阶层正处在向西方列强学习的阶段。西方的各种时髦的思潮，都在他们的探索和实验的范围内。刚刚建立的苏联，也在这个时候进入到中国人的探索范围内。马列主义就是在苏联成功的影响下，被一些年轻的社会精英推荐到中国人的视野里来。最著名的刊物，就叫做“新青年”和“向导”。

马列主义是在欧洲共产主义的基础上发展而来的，它的世界大同和人类相亲相爱不再互相竞争的理想，特别符合善良民众的幻想。这也和中国传统的世界大同思想大同小异，在中国的精英阶层得到了普遍的认同。但其财产公有的观念，显然不符合中国大众的认知。

有两千多年市场经济传统的中国社会，财产私有被认为是天经地义。这个社会文化和脱离农奴制不久的俄国，有根本的区别。所以列宁和斯大林的推行世界革命的机构认为，中国的社会文化环境不太可能建立苏维埃政权。

反而是中国的民主革命正处在艰难挣扎之中，在外交上有机可乘。于是他们把支持中国国民党建立所谓的资产阶级政权作为了重点。在出钱、出枪、出顾问的同时，把刚刚建立不久的以知识分子为主的弱小的共产党，编入到孙中山的国民党队伍中去，协助实现苏联的外交目标。

但这两个政党的政治目标有着根本的不同，国民党以市场经济为基本经济制度，这和共产党的财产公有制度有根本冲突。在掌握政权之前两党可以勉强合作，在掌握了一些政权之后，矛盾就变得越来越尖锐。很快就反目成仇，共产党遭到了残酷的镇压，并且没有得到苏联的有效保护。

这时候共产党内出现了一些另类的理论家，毛泽东是他们的代表人物。他们认为城市工人阶级的力量弱小，不足以发动俄国式的城市革命；倒是中国传统的农民革命，是一条可行的路线。这可以保证革命者生存下去，借以等待更好的时机。这就是毛泽东的农村包围城市的策略。

在这个阶段，中国的共产党也没有得到他们苏联老大哥的帮助。但是军阀混战，民不聊生的环境，确实给农民造反的队伍提供了大量的人力资源，使得这些共产主义的割据政权取代了正在被剿灭的军阀，建立起强大的割据政权，成为了共产党的主流。

在基本剿灭了军阀政权之后，蒋介石把目光投向了共产党的割据政权。而苏联撑腰的留洋派掌权的红军所采取的军事策略，脱离了农民起义的千年经验教训，遭到了惨败。共军被赶出了根据地，流窜于西部和北部的荒凉地带。但它也因此重新回到了农民起义的策略上来，苟延残喘于西北最贫瘠的地区。这时候他们的苏联老大哥仍然维持着和当权者的友好关系，并没有在实质上帮助他们的小兄弟。

是日本的侵华战争帮了共产党的大忙，中共机智地抓住了一系列历史机遇，使自己得到了合法地位，发展壮大割据政权及其军队。这才有了在抗日战争胜利后和国民党争夺天下的资格。只是在这场争夺开始后，苏联才修正了他们之前的理论，开始大力帮助中共，建立本来并没有社会基础的共产主义政权。

是历史的错误或者机遇，使得十月革命的专制暴政扩展到了中国，也使得中国社会进入到令人难以接受的农奴制。这种历史的倒退仍在继续之中。人们等待着新的历史机遇，回归到正常的社会状态。

魏京生在自由亚洲电台评论的原始链接：

http://www.rfa.org/mandarin/pinglun/weijingsheng/weijingsheng-11162017145816.html