Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article: A1430-W1030

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A1430-W1030

Release Date: November 22, 2021

发布日：2021年11月22日

Topic: Infighting Before and After the CCP’s Sixth Plenary Session -- Wei Jingsheng

标题：六中全会前后的内斗 -- 魏京生

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）

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Infighting Before and After the CCP’s Sixth Plenary Session

-- Wei Jingsheng

The Sixth Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) made a very strange resolution; the so-called historical resolution that imitated the previous dynasties but did not look like them. According to the format of the two CCP’s “Historical Resolutions” of the previous dynasties, this should have negated the resolutions of the previous few sessions and create the core leadership group and new roadmap for the future. It has been a traditional CCP method to use the method of tampering with history to establish a great image for oneself. This was Xi Jinping's intention to apply this format.

Unfortunately, Xi Jinping does not have the atmosphere of the first two CCP’s “Historical Resolutions”, nor the prestige of the first two cores, not to mention a new road map that can be agreed on by the whole Chinese Communist Party. So even before the 6th Plenary Session of the CCP’s 19th Congress, there was already strong resistance with more than 500 opinions put forward, and fundamental changes were made. Even though Xi’s aid, Li Zhanshu roared like thunder, he failed to suppress the opposition. Even if Xi Jinping assigned himself to be the head of the writing team, he has not been able to force everyone to write the statement he wanted into the resolution. All these failures prove that the so called observation claimed by the foreign media that Xi is in control of everything, is only a guided public opinion manipulated by the CCP’s big propaganda to outside world, not the real situation in that black box.

Before the Sixth Plenary Session of the Central Committee, the internal fighting within the CCP was hidden in a black box and unknown to the outside world. Only the media outside of China that have been misled by the CCP’s propaganda to the outside world are clamoring for Xi Jinping. From some reports after the plenary session, it can be known that the contention of the text was very fierce, which went far beyond the usual routine of a stagnant pool, and eventually led to the failure of Xi Jinping's intentions. This pushed the internal struggle within the CCP to a new climax.

Before the plenary session started and after this resolution was basically finalized, the clues of infighting began to be exposed. Because Zhang Gaoli, the only strong and healthy man in Jiang Zemin’s faction, has been the most powerful man who opposed the denial of Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin's line, his mistress for many years complained about him on social media. This was originally a very personal love dispute, and the court could have resolved it. But the media got hype with political color.

Then, as the international organizations and the news media got hype, it turned into a major international scandal that humiliated the CCP state and affected the 2022 Olympic Games. It could be said that Xi Jinping had lifted a rock yet the rock hit himself in the foot. He is not sure how to respond, hesitating to advance or retreat. This even made the CCP wolf warrior spokespersons stunned, and even started talking nonsense. International public opinion combined the citizen journalist case, the disappearance of Interpol Chairman Meng Hongwei, etc., which beat the CCP Central Committee into a mess.

Before the dust fell on the case of Peng Shuai against Zhang Gaoli, and even before the case has been filed, we now read about Xi Jinping’s illegitimate child. This is just like when they hyped about Wang Qishan's illegitimate child case and trillion-dollar corruption case which led to Wang’s resignation. Will this wave of hype lead to the resignation of CCP’s Secretary General Xi? It is hard to say. In short, the current atmosphere is very unfavorable to Xi.

The reason behind Wang Qishan's quitting a few years ago was that Wang wanted to take over the leadership by relying on anti-corruption to build his prestige and realizing Zhu Rongji's unfulfilled ideals. As a result, the combination of those in power and behind the scenes and the combination of domestic and foreign countries beat Wang up, until he stepped down sadly, but only kept the position of vice president of the country without power. The common Chinese call it as the "Karma in this life".

This time, the atmosphere President Xi is facing is even worse. He offended the complete set of elites in the CCP, the government, the military, the academics, and the business circles, yet without offering the common Chinese much good. Xi tried to deny Deng and Jiang’s reform line and touted the line of Mao Zedong’s dictatorship. Obviously, it is difficult for the whole Communist Party and the whole country to accept it. Therefore, in the fierce game before the Sixth Plenary Session, it was expected of the victory of the anti-Xi faction.

Since Xi wants to revive the traditional emperor system, logically he has to accept Deng Xiaoping's so-called Chinese model, which is the traditional model of autocratic politics to manage the market economy. However, the CCP’s one-party dictatorship is a model of serfdom, and it cannot be combined with a more advanced traditional model. Without the legitimacy of inheritance and the matching Confucian ideology, this so-called Deng Xiaoping model has not inherited the legitimacy, apart from inheriting a super corruption.

This is a paradoxical model. How to resolve this inherent contradiction? Scholars and experts have no answer. With his wisdom at the secretary of the brigade level, Xi believed that the path of extreme autocracy and personal dictatorship that Mao Zedong took in the end was a path that conformed to Chinese characteristics and could make ordinary people to obey. Unfortunately, Chinese nowadays are not the obedient people of the pre-Qing period, and the current elites are not believers of Neo-Confucianism (of the Song and Ming Dynasties). Let's all sit down and enjoy our melons, while continuing watching this good show.

(This English version is translated by Ciping HUANG, without any compensation. Wei Jingsheng and the Wei Jingsheng Foundation appreciate her decades of contribution, especially for allowing the use and distribution of her translations of these commentaries.)

Original link of the commentary broadcasted by Radio Free Asia:

https://www.rfa.org/mandarin/pinglun/weijingsheng/wjs-11222021151552.html

To hear Mr. Wei Jingsheng's related commentary, please visit:

http://www.weijingsheng.org/RFA/RFA2021/WeiJS211121onCCPinfighting.mp3

(Written on November 20 and recorded on November 21, 2021. Broadcasted by Radio Free Asia on November 22, 2021.)

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中文版

Wei Jingsheng Foundation News and Article: A1430-W1030

魏京生基金会新闻与文章发布号：A1430-W1030

Release Date: November 22, 2021

发布日：2021年11月22日

Topic: Infighting Before and After the CCP’s Sixth Plenary Session -- Wei Jingsheng

标题：六中全会前后的内斗 -- 魏京生

Original Language Version: Chinese (Chinese version at the end)

此号以中文为准（英文在前，中文在后）

如有中文乱码问题，请与我们联系或访问：

http://www.weijingsheng.org/report/report2021/report2021-11/WeiJS211122onCCPinfightingA1430-W1030.htm

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六中全会前后的内斗

-- 魏京生

六中全会做了一个很奇怪的决议，就是那份仿照前朝又不像的所谓历史决议。按照前朝两个历史决议的格式，这应该是否定前几届，开创后边的核心领导集团和新路线的决议。用篡改历史的方法为自己树立伟大形象，应该是传统手法了。这是习近平套用这个格式的用意。

遗憾的是，小习并没有前两个历史决议的党内氛围，也没有前两个核心的威信，更没有能使全党都能认同的新的路线图。所以在会前就遭到了强大的抵制，被提出了五百多条意见，做出了根本性的修改。既使马仔栗战书咆哮如雷，也没能压制反对意见。既使习近平自己兼任写作组长，也没能迫使大家把他的说法写进决议。这都证明了境外媒体所谓的习近平已经掌握一切的观察，不过是大外宣制造的舆论导向而已，并非黑箱内的真实局势。

六中全会前，内斗被捂在黑箱内不为外界所知。只有大外宣所误导的境外媒体，在为习近平摇旗鼓噪。从全会后的一些报道可以得知，文本的争论十分激烈，远远超出了往常一潭死水的常规，竟然最后导致习近平的意图没有实现。这就把斗争推向了新的高潮。

这个决议基本定局之后的开会之前，内斗的端倪就开始暴露出来了。因为江派大佬唯一身强力壮的张高丽，反对否定邓江路线最有力，所以他的多年情妇就把他告到了自媒体上。这本来是一件非常私人的爱情纠纷案，法庭解决就是了。媒体大肆炒作，就带有了政治色彩。

结果再经过国际组织和媒体的炒作，就变成了让党国丢脸和影响奥运会的国际大丑闻。习近平可以说是搬起石头砸了自己的脚，进退维谷，不知所措。这让战狼发言人们也张口结舌，甚至开始胡言乱语。国际舆论结合公民记者案、国际刑警主席孟宏伟失踪案等等，好一通乱棍打得党中央乱作一团。

彭帅告张高丽案还没吵清楚，甚至还没立案，就看见炒作习近平私生子案。就像当年炒作王岐山私生子案和万亿贪腐案导致其下台一样，这一波炒作会不会导致咱们的小习书记下台呢？不好说。总之现在的氛围对习总很不利。

几年前导致王岐山下台的幕后原因，是王岐山想依靠反腐败立威，实现朱镕基没有实现的理想，一举上位。结果被台上台下相结合，国内国外相结合打了个落花流水，乃至黯然下台，弄了个国家副主席的闲差养老。老百姓话说叫做现世报。

这次习总所面临的氛围更不妙。他得罪了党政军学商全面的精英，也没给老百姓什么好处。他企图否定邓江的改革路线，吹捧毛泽东式专政的路线。显然全党全国上上下下都很难接受。所以六中全会前的激烈博弈，反习派胜出也就在意料之中了。

既然要复兴传统的皇帝制度，按逻辑就得接受邓小平的所谓中国模式，也就是以专制政治管理市场经济的传统模式。可是共产党的一党专政是农奴制的模式，和比它先进一些的传统模式，也不能很好地结合。没有了继承的合法性和与之配套的儒家意识形态，这个所谓的邓小平的模式，在继承了超级腐败之外，没继承到人家的合法性。

这是一个自相矛盾的模式。怎么解决这个本质上的自相矛盾呢？学者专家们无解，小习以大队书记的睿智，认为毛泽东最后所走的极端专制、个人独裁的道路，是一条符合中国特色的、让老百姓当顺民的道路。遗憾的是，现在的人民不是前清时代的顺民，现在的精英也不是宋明理学的信徒。我们大家就坐下来吃瓜，继续看好戏吧。

(本评论的英文版本由黄慈萍翻译。魏京生和魏京生基金会感谢她数十年来有关的无偿贡献，特别是使用和发布此译文的许可。)

本篇评论在自由亚洲电台的原始链接：

https://www.rfa.org/mandarin/pinglun/weijingsheng/wjs-11222021151552.html